tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-46928358859049275032024-03-14T01:51:39.373+05:30Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies (RGICS)Social Change and PoliticsRajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.comBlogger61125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-74036456477830671272014-12-31T11:48:00.003+05:302015-01-08T11:40:46.024+05:30Deconstructing Racism and Regionalism in India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Racial Thinking <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiEWFRRmw1-I_oSB63R-Nprdz_l_XVIoqgtUsCRKBcmrl_Ve8SHWM_5QnK5Ny4vIgWUzsapdjCf0sRyCiPRqR6-JY6MUOvv5YReBrRT2eNHZj4a602w19uT82MIrY0gyEHzUoWip239D4Q/s1600/Photo+SourceThe+Hindu.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiEWFRRmw1-I_oSB63R-Nprdz_l_XVIoqgtUsCRKBcmrl_Ve8SHWM_5QnK5Ny4vIgWUzsapdjCf0sRyCiPRqR6-JY6MUOvv5YReBrRT2eNHZj4a602w19uT82MIrY0gyEHzUoWip239D4Q/s1600/Photo+SourceThe+Hindu.jpg" height="207" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The Hindu</td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">India is a country with
diverse regions, languages, castes, religions and races. As a nation, India has
been in the forefront for propagating values like ‘unity in diversity’ and
pride in multiculturalism, both in the national and international forums. India’s contribution to the struggle against
apartheid in South Africa can never be forgotten. But in practice, Indians have
failed to accept and respect its heterogeneity resulting in the social exclusion
of ‘others’. This social exclusion is often the result of discrimination based
on race or differences based on physical attributes such as colour of the skin,
facial structures etc. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Though racial discrimination is prohibited by law and may
not be practised at the institutional level, but its effects in everyday life
are regularly experienced by people from ‘other’ ethnic groups who live in a different
geographical or social landscape. For example, there is an anti-Bihari
sentiment across the country, a South Indian is called “Madrasi” and a person
from North East is called ‘chinki’. These are just few of the many cases. There
is also a never ending prejudice against black or dark-skin, always giving preference
to a fair-skinned person, in India. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0c0c0c;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">To
exclude racism, various groups and experts have demanded the enforcement of an
exclusive anti-racism law. However this demand is much in debate as the other side
of the argument is that racism is a social problem that exists in the minds and
attitudes which cannot be addressed unless the minds of the people are
connected through integration and promotion of cultures of other ethnic groups.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Injustice inflicted by racism <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Indians
often see themselves as victims of racism, inflicted particularly by the West.
However time and again, Indians have themselves been perpetrators of race based
violence towards others whom they consider as inferior. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<u><span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">State
of North Easterners in Metro Cities<o:p></o:p></span></span></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Death of a 19 year old student Nido Tania; physical
assault of an engineering student in Bangalore and attack on two youths by few locals
in Gurgaon are still fresh in our memory. Though these are three different
tragedies, what is common to all these incidences is the shameful fact that these
are racist crimes committed against the North East people in mainland India. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">According to a police record, the national capital has
witnessed a rise in racial crimes against people from the North Eastern Region
(NER). Out of 847 phone calls this year (till mid November), the police
received 650 calls concerning racial discrimination against the people from
NER. <a href="http://mha.nic.in/sites/upload_files/mha/files/ReportOfMPBezbaruahCommittee.PDF">The Bezbaruah
Committee</a> that was set up under the chairmanship of
Mr. Bezbaruah to look into the racial issues faced by the North Easterners, highlights
that over two lakh people have migrated to Delhi from North Eastern states
between 2005 and 2013 and about 86% of them have faced some form of racial
discrimination. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Anti-Bihari sentiment <o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">There have been several racial attacks against people
from Bihar who migrated to other parts of India mainly for employment. However
they have been subjected to severe social exclusion in other states. Between
2000 and 2003, anti-Bihari violence led to the deaths of upto 200 people and
created 10,000 internal refugees (MS Academic, 2012).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In February 2008, migrants from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar
who settled in Mumbai for jobs were charged of being ‘infiltrators’ and accused
of spoiling the Maharashtrian culture. Orchestrated riots and anti-migrant
political campaigns routinely target migrants from other states and protest
their presence in the city, even today.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><u>Outsiders vs Tribals in North East </u><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">There have been series of massacres and bomb attacks on
migrants from other states even in the North East. Discrimination and violence
faced by ‘outsiders’ or ‘non-tribals’ in the North East have continued for a
very long time, resulting in declining population of ‘non-tribals’ in Meghalaya,
from 20% when the state was formed to below 10% (Tehelka). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">An ‘outsider’ is called a ‘Dkhar’ in khasi, a pejorative
term for people from other ethnic groups including Bengalis, Nepalis, and
Biharis. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Targeting ‘Black’ <o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">African nationals are stereotyped as drug peddlers or sex
workers in India. They are made victims of derogatory remarks like ‘negro’ or
‘kale’ (black), physically abused on the streets, and are also made victims of
administrative (like police) apathy. The most recent demonstration of this is
the brutal assault of African students in one of the metro stations of Delhi.
These students protested being photographed by few local youths. In response, the
African students were attacked by the locals and alleged of misbehaving with a
woman, without any evidence. The victims sought police protection, but in vain.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Anti Racism Law in India: the debate<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Need for an anti racism law <o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Article 15 of the Indian Constitution prohibits any race-based
discrimination by the state. Such a fundamental right like Article 15 guarantees
protection to victims of racial crimes committed by the state but fails to
guarantee protection from private individuals. Additionally, anti-discrimination
legislation also fails to acknowledge racism that is ‘invisible’ and executed
through certain tone or gesture.<u><o:p></o:p></u></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention
of Atrocities) Act is one of the foremost anti-discrimination legislations in
India. Though the act protects significant number of persons from the North-East
as majority belong to the Scheduled Tribes, it fails to protect non tribal from
the region and other communities in India who are victims of xenophobia. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Recognising these gaps in the existing domestic laws, there
have been demands for an anti-racism law from various groups and activists. However,
the prospects of an anti racism law should be looked at holistically, such that
it is able to tackle the issue and protect the interests of every vulnerable
individual and group, both national and non-nationals, without being biased towards
a particular group. One has to also see<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a> whether an
exclusive law like this can eradicate every form of racism? Xenophobic
exclusions and other forms of ethnicity-based discrimination are legally forbidden
in the United States, yet it continues through indirect forms of expression, prevalent
as ‘symbolic racism’ or <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racial_inequality_in_the_United_States" title="Racial inequality in the United States"><span style="color: black; text-decoration: none;">reflected in socioeconomic inequalities</span></a> like employment opportunities, homeownership, and income
levels etc. For example, there is disparity in homeownership between
African-Americans and the Whites, which is an indicator of the racial wealth
gap, according to a recent study from Brandeis University. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The other side of the debate- need to strengthen existing
legislations<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Contrary
to the advocates of anti-racism law in India, there are activists and groups who
suggest correcting and strengthening existing legislations on anti
discrimination. According to Mr. Bezbaruah, the chairperson of the Bezbaruah
Committee, “We need a quicker solution because these crimes are increasing
rapidly, when they should be decreasing.” In his views, the “introduction of
fresh legislation would be lengthy; the government must consider swift reform
of existing laws.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The
Bezbaruah committee recommended adding sections to India’s Penal Code,
including making a “word, gesture or act intended to insult a member of a particular
group or of any race, punishable with a maximum of three year jail sentence and
a fine.” The other recommendation from the committee includes setting up designated
courts to deal with racial conflicts, making Police more responsible and
increasing role of media, NGOs, private sector in addressing the issue
together. Promotion of other cultures and spreading awareness amongst people
about various social groups and culture is necessary to curb the problem.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In a survey poll carried out by the Morung
Express, a Nagaland based newspaper, majority of the people said an anti racism
law is unlikely to protect the people of North East from racial discrimination.
“Racism is a social problem and it can only be solved at the societal level……………Only
a paradigm shift in societal attitude will minimise racial discrimination.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Racism is a social problem<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Racism originates from intolerance towards other cultures
to faulty prejudices against them. Since the ethnic minority or an individual belong
to a different social landscape, their behaviour and lifestyle is absolutely unknown
to others who develop wrong perceptions about them. There is an utmost need to
address racism not just through legal discourse but also through <b>sensitising people</b> about other ethnic
groups and cultures. It is essential to deconstruct faulty perception and half
truth that have been passed on through incorrect narratives. Role of universities, media, sports and
tourism become crucial in creating awareness and integrating people (both
national and non-nationals) of different background.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #0c0c0c;">Racism
is India has a very long history; however there has been lack of </span><b>voice against such injustice</b><span style="color: #0c0c0c;">.
We all have to accept our share of the responsibility in supporting racism
either by pretending that it does not exist or by preferring to stay silent on
the issue. There has to be zero tolerance towards racial discrimination not
because it is against ‘our’ people but because it is against human dignity.
Academics, </span><span style="color: #0c0c0c;">thinkers, artists,
writers, activists, journalists, professionals and students must challenge any
form of discrimination through debates, discussions, writings, complains and
protests. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b>Strengthening
law enforcement agencies and institutional support also becomes significant</b>. <span style="color: #0c0c0c;"> </span>Attitude
of the police, who are often charged of harassing victims of racial slurs, needs
to change. As also recommended by the Bezbaruah Committee, concerned state and
central government bodies like state bhawans, should play a more proactive role
in providing support to migrants. Fast track courts should be set up in States,
exclusively to handle crimes committed on grounds of race. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Time to put an end to ‘Racism’<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">India's contribution to the struggle against apartheid in
South Africa has been highly acknowledged globally.<span style="color: #333333;"> </span>Under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi and Pt. Jawaharlal
Nehru, as a national ideology, India has shown an uncompromising attitude
towards any form of institutional racism. However this pride and India’s own
freedom struggle becomes meaningless as long as racism exists, even if at an
individual level. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Racism is a form of exploitation and it will continue to
exist as long as we deal with the problem half heartedly. Resorting to
legalistic means cannot be ignored, but complete eradication of this problem is
only possible when people develop solidarity towards their countrymen and also
non-nationals, by destroying artificial differences on the grounds of culture,
language, physical features and colour. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
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<b><i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Abhishikta
Roy</span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-36858032157830581732014-12-18T16:50:00.001+05:302014-12-29T11:28:57.836+05:30Sahariyas and their Vulnerabilities<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGOJ3W6UvgszXyn6Y86cRvuFfg0PuERGFpy47bE8T400oF44nWgGM79oe9AIpZKF8MQkzAhr2tyMVAZSdhuEVKFN_EVY6HZVlMYfCxq-npg44iICYDGqbhkvrPlwVAlz_XT8ua7CUT5k0/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image+(2).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGOJ3W6UvgszXyn6Y86cRvuFfg0PuERGFpy47bE8T400oF44nWgGM79oe9AIpZKF8MQkzAhr2tyMVAZSdhuEVKFN_EVY6HZVlMYfCxq-npg44iICYDGqbhkvrPlwVAlz_XT8ua7CUT5k0/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image+(2).jpg" height="221" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Source:
Action Aid India<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Madhya
Pradesh and Rajasthan together have more than 2.45 crore tribal population
divided into 46 and 12 groups respectively. Seven tribal groups in Madhya
Pradesh and one in Rajasthan what is termed as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal
groups or PVTGs (earlier called Primitive Tribal Groups or PTGs). Sahariya is
one among these PVTGs inhabits eight
districts of Madhya Pradesh and few places in Rajasthan. According to Census
2011, Sahariya is the largest community in the list of 75 PTGs with a
population of more than seven lakh. Around 85 per cent of Sahariyas live in Gwalior,
Guna, Shipuri, Vidhisha, Datia, Bhind, Sagar and Tikamgarh districts of Madhya
Pradesh. The government of India recognized the vulnerability of Sahariyas in
1975-76 by including them in PTGs but in the late end of the 20th Century, the
enforcement of environmental laws, insensitive displacement, schemes for
mainstreaming and ignorance of their vulnerabilities as PTG marginalized them
further.<span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Livelihood of Sahariyas:<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #222222;">Traditionally Sahariyas
are forest dwellers. </span>They
practiced shifting cultivation, hunting gathering, pastoralism, and a quiet nomadic
life. <span style="color: #222222;">Similar to many other PTGs, Sahariyas had also
close link with forest and forest product for their livelihood. They practiced
agriculture in mountains and during non-agricultural season, they collected
forest products. According to a study conducted by Vikas Samvad, Bhopal in 2007,
Sahariyas used to barter forest product like Gums and Chironji with that of
cereals and also used to prepare baskets out of ‘Siari’ wood to store their
half yearly requirement. Sahariya’s economy before the enforcing of
environmental laws was self-sufficient and was in harmony with the local
ecology.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">After government took over
the control of forest, Sahariyas lost their main source of livelihood. Vikas
Samvad in its study of Madhya Pradesh argues that the government policy on
forest wiped them from forest and forest products. According to the Census 2001
data, more than 70 per cent of Sahariyas are non-cultivators. Most of them are
agricultural labourers. A study by the Centre for Tribal Development in 2002
reported that the annual per capita income among Sahariyas was Rs. 2,691, or
about Rs 7 a day, less than one-third of the national poverty line figure of
Rs. 26 a day in rural areas. Curtailing forest rights of Sahariyays, through
environmental policies, what they were inheriting since ages destroyed their
existence. On the other hands government’s un-planned, insensitive and
shortsighted rehabilitation and development plan for Sahariyas pushed them to
further deprivation. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Major Visible Vulnerabilities <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Modern development initiatives in
India in last few decades undermined socio-cultural diversities of PTGs such as
Sahariya. Despite recognizing the vulnerabilities of PTGs in 1970s their voices
remain unheard in developmental programs targeted to them. It seems that in
last few decades their vulnerability increased instead of decreasing. Some of
these vulnerabilities are discussed here in brief. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Starvation:
<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">After losing control over
production of grains and accessing food item through their traditional barter
system in last few decades, Sahariyas are now facing starvation situation on
every day basis. Due to scarcity of food, they rely on ‘tubers’ and ‘leaves’
collected from nearby forests. When drought hits and there is nothing to eat,
Sahariyas depend on bread made of ‘Sama’ (a locally grown wild grass) and soup
made from its seeds. Very often even this grass is not fit for consumption as
it doesn’t ripen due to lack of water , which make them difficult to digest.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">High
Malnutrition:<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Insufficient food has led to wide
spread malnutrition amongst every age group of Sahariays. Action Aid India
reported that the malnutrition level among Sahariya children under three is as high
as 66.3%, which is much higher the national average of 47%. Many such other
studies of Sahariyas revealed high level of undernourishment and hunger deaths.
According to a paper inquiring status of women and children of Sahariyas of
Madhya Pradesh published in Indian Medical Journal in 2013 found that Chronic
Energy Deficiency (CED) affected 42.4 percent women whereas 90.1 percent women
were anemic. In their study, Kapoor et al (2009) noted that CED amongst males
was about 48.8 percent. As per World Health Organization a CED of 40 percent
exhibits a critical health problem. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Poor
Health:<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Curative health care is not an
option for most. In most cases, health centers are very far away from Sahariya
villages. Moreover, many report being callously treated at the health centers
by the staff. Many times Sahariyas are not aware about what they are being
prescribed. Therefore, most times,’ quacks are preferred. Empirical studies
have found that major causes of death include pneumonia, malaria, tuberculosis,
gastric problems and diarrhea. Low standard of living, poor food habits, low
socio-economic conditions, lack of portable water and unfavorable environment
all contribute to poor health standards.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Low
Education and Child Labour: <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Sahariyas do not have access to
education; Census data reveals that only 2 per cent of Sahariyas have studied until
the secondary level. The literacy rate of Saharia both in Rajasthan and in
Madhya Pradesh is the lowest amongst all the tribes in these states. In
Rajasthan the tribal literacy rate is 52.8 whereas Sahariya literacy rate is 48
percent. Similarly, Madhya Pradesh has a tribal literacy rate of 50.6 whereas
the Sahariya literacy is recorded at 42.1 percent. Women literacy amongst the
Sahariyas is much less with Madhya Pradesh at 32 and Rajasthan at 33.7 percent
respectively. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Hindustan Times recently reported
that children, instead of being sent to school are working to sustain their
families. Increasing debt due to crop failure and food insecurity forces
families to send their children to work
for wages ranging between INR 2000-6000. The children are employed to herd
sheep and other animals in the jungles of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Conclusion: <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Even after being identified as a
PTG group, policies dealing with Sahariyas have not kept in mind the features
that make them an especially primitive group. However, continuous ignorance of
their culture continuous to feature in the way government is formulating
response to them. As mentioned earlier, they are frequently ill treated, which
marginalizes them further. Moreover, when they access government services, the
nourishment provided is not suited to their dietary practices. Children cannot
digest or do not prefer panjeeri and soya buffs. The reason a special category
of tribes was created was so that policies are customized to their lifestyle.
Thus, the developmental approach of Saharaiyas must emphasize an effort to
understand their social, cultural and economic conditions that make them a
Primitive Tribal Group.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i><b>Jeet
Singh and Shriyam Gupta </b></i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-1662762620519270402014-12-03T12:36:00.001+05:302014-12-03T13:49:34.497+05:30Women’s Autonomy and Demography: Women pay the price for population control <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b>Prevelance of female sterilisation over male sterilisation</b><b>
<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjb26j9FGe8jziu6cB2f2JqOXxMiDEISllnYwb3vx5zVqvrUVjMHjHvPKnTaZQfIfrD-PwRHjKr4G2I0bTaBx1GxhTLTU6vqDiEownw-mkGoYL69pD9p2SDHMX41t7X8_ZOx6_4nZf9lpk/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image+(2).bmp" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjb26j9FGe8jziu6cB2f2JqOXxMiDEISllnYwb3vx5zVqvrUVjMHjHvPKnTaZQfIfrD-PwRHjKr4G2I0bTaBx1GxhTLTU6vqDiEownw-mkGoYL69pD9p2SDHMX41t7X8_ZOx6_4nZf9lpk/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image+(2).bmp" /></span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">India is one of the first countries in the world to
have formulated family planning programmes.
Family planning programmes like mass sterilisation in India were introduced in
response to the booming population . However it is female sterilisation (tubectomy)
which has always been prevalent over male sterilisation (vasectomy) or other
contraceptive methods.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<v:shapetype coordsize="21600,21600" id="_x0000_t202" o:spt="202" path="m,l,21600r21600,l21600,xe"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">
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</v:path></v:stroke></span></v:shapetype><v:shape id="_x0000_s1026" stroked="f" style="height: 14.75pt; left: 0px; margin-left: 316.5pt; margin-top: 103.85pt; position: absolute; text-align: left; width: 151.15pt; z-index: 251662336;" type="#_x0000_t202" wrapcoords="-92 0 -92 21016 21600 21016 21600 0 -92 0">
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</w:wrap></span></v:shape><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Recently, in one of the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/nov/14/india-sterilisation-deaths-rat-poison-linked-tests"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none;">worst medical disasters</span></a> in
India’s history, many women lost their lives in a mass sterilisation camp organised
in Chhattisgarh. Family members of the victims have reported how women were
pressurised to undergo sterilisation. Mahesh, brother-in-law of one casualty,
told the Indian Express newspaper, “They [health workers] said nothing would
happen, it was a minor operation. They herded them like cattle.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">However, this is not one of the rare cases where mass
sterilisation camp has killed women. Between 2003 and 2012, as estimated by various
reports, thousands of women died in sterilisation camps organised in various
states including Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra
Pradesh. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Violating all medical guidelines, sterilisation camps
like the one in Chhattisgarh and others are often found to have used contaminated
medicines, rusted surgical equipments and unhygienic environment. Guidelines
which set the maximum limit of surgeries to 30 a day, have often been ignored
by doctors in sterilisation camps, were the operations outnumber the limit. The
cause of such tragedies can be related to sheer medical negligence, apathy of
doctors towards patients, poor state of health services in India and above all
violation of women’s rights over their bodies.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The District Level Household and
Facility Survey (DLHS) in 2007–08
revealed that over 35 per cent of married women in the the reproductive age group ( 15–49 years)
had undergone tubectomy, as against 1 per cent of men who have undergone
vasectomy. This is despite the fact that
Tubectomy as an irreversible method of birth control is a more complex procedure
than vasectomy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In this light, it is important to
comprehend the relationship between family planning in India and female
sterilisation. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">No choice for women: Social pressure, national targets <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The
DLHS data in 2012-13 have also indicated State Governments preference on female
sterilisation over other contraceptive methods in India’s family planning
programmes. For example, in Andhra Pradesh, during 2007-2008 and 2002-2013, 60
and 63 per cent women in the fertile age range had been operated respectively.
However, during the same period, the number of men who underwent sterilisation,
came down from 4 to 2 per cent. A similar trend was observed across many states
in India. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">This
trend can be traced to the deep rooted social belief that the primary role of women
is that of reproduction and child
rearing. Instead of looking at family planning as a responsibility of both men
and women, family planning programmes in India have been directed at women by
and large. Added to this there is a
tremendous social stigma attached to male sterilisation. Along with the fear of
impotency, physical weakness, “it becomes a question of manhood”, says Rukmini,
a District Reproductive and Child Health (RCH) Officer from Karnataka.
“Unfortunately social stigma nearly always ensures the fairer sex is the
subjugated lot…………….where women are more likely to go under the knife rather
than men.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">(The
Hindu)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In
a patriarchal society, women usually have little autonomy within and outside
the household; they also have limited control and no voice over their own
reproductive and contraceptive choices. Hence they are always made easy targets
of family planning programmes. For most women, sterilisation is not a choice,
it is a diktat. Thus women are forced to undergo sterilisation, sometimes
without their knowledge or opportunity to provide consent. According to the
DHLS 2007-08, 40 per cent of women who got operated across India were
illiterate. When women are poor and uneducated, they are more vulnerable, and are
easily persuaded to accept the painful and irreversible contraceptive method
through financial or other incentives. They are forced to undergo sterilisation
either by authorities responsible for family planning programmes or by family
members who are in need of monetary benefits. Women are convinced to undergo
surgeries by luring them with cash incentives. “The husband of a Baiga tribe
woman who died after undergoing tubectomy at a government-organised
sterilisation camp in Bilaspur district alleged that health workers put
pressure on them and also held out a promise of money for consenting to the
operation.” (India Today) This is nothing but grave violation of women’s
rights.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In
2012-13, the District Level Household and
Facility Survey highlighted poor quality family planning services which
were offered to women. Women were not informed about the side-effects of
sterilisation or about other methods of contraception. Even where women were counseled,
the staff strategically refrained from giving adequate and correct information.
For example, in Maharashtra, only 17 per cent of the women were told about the
side-effects, while in Punjab and Haryana only 14 per cent and 11 per cent women
respectively were given any information related to other methods of contraception.
Hence majority of these women could not have provided "informed
consent" due to lack of awareness and knowledge. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">“The government of India denies that
there are targets but they’re clearly set and when it goes down to the district
or village level that’s a real problem. Extreme pressure is the crux of the problem,”
says Sona Sharma, joint director for advocacy at the New Delhi-based Population
Foundation of India. Senior
officials sometimes threaten health workers of reducing remuneration or suspending
them from work. “Health workers who miss sterilisation targets because they
give proper counseling and accurate information about contraception risk losing
their jobs in many parts of the country,” said Aruna Kashyap, women’s rights
researcher at Human Rights Watch.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">To
achieve the desired target, in some districts, more than the prescribed numbers
of tubectomies are performed single handedly by a medical practitioner in
unhygienic and inappropriate conditions. As a perk, compensation is given to service
providers as well as acceptors of sterilisation. Unofficially
material benefits are also given to health workers and agencies organising
sterilisation camps. In 2011, service
providers in Rajasthan were reported to have been offered motorcycles,
television sets, even Tata Nano cars.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Reproduction and contraception is
for women: the social perception <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In a study carried out in central
India about the men’s perception of contraception, it was found out “Men viewed
"family planning" as synonymous with female sterilization, whereas
they saw "contraception" as referring to spacing methods, knowledge
of which was limited. Thirty-four percent of men reported that their wives had
been sterilized; 79% of men who did not rely on any permanent method said they
wanted their wives to be sterilized. In focus group discussions, most men
reported themselves as their family's sole decision maker about reproductive
health.” (Male Perceptions on Female Sterilization: A Community-Based Study in
Rural Central India by Arundhati Char, Minna Saavala and Teija Kulmala).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Female sterilisation being dominant, use of other
spacing methods like Intrauterine Device (IUDs), condoms are limited,
despite the fact that there is a high unmet need in spacing. According
to DLHS III, all the spacing methods together account for just 25.5 per cent of
the current contraceptive use, compared to female & male sterilisations which
account to 75.5 per cent. Social and cultural acceptability of female
contraceptives over male contraceptives have also set a high competitive bar on
pharmaceutical industry and research that is prepared to invest more on the
former than the latter. According to RH Reality Check (a daily publication
providing news, commentary and analysis on sexual and reproductive health and
justice issues) “research on male contraception is 50 years behind research on
female contraception.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><strong>Need to re-look at nation level population programmes
from women’s perspective</strong><strong><span style="font-weight: normal;"><o:p></o:p></span></strong></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">It
is a common perception shared by society that reproduction, and therefore
contraception, is the responsibility of a woman. Despite all talks of
empowering women and their reproductive autonomy, the right to choose whether
to have children or not and the freedom to choose the methods of fertility
management, based on access to proper information, has been largely denied to
them. This gets translated in the family planning programmes and practices as
well. It is sad that it is only by the death of several women in a botched up
attempt at sterilisation that the whole issue has been bought to the fore.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">It
is time for the nation to understand that fundamental to the success of any
family planning programme is the enhancement of women’s freedom and it should
involve both men and women in its population stabilisation goal. More men
should be involved in family planning programmes “not as targets for vasectomy
but as partners within a gender-equality paradigm,” says Dr Abhijeet Das,
Director of CHSJ and an assistant professor at the Department of Global Health,
University of Washington.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The
need of the hour is to look at India’s population programmes from the
perspective of the women who are forced to suffer its consequences. In
addition, there is an urgent need to improve public health services in India,
make doctors and health agencies more accountable and eliminate coercive family
planning porgrammes, to ensure that women in Chhattisgarh or any other place do
not become victims of faulty sterilisation drive!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i><b>Abhishikta Roy</b></i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-58995506059588684672014-11-13T17:19:00.001+05:302014-11-14T15:21:50.166+05:30Concentration of Neonatal Deaths and Role of Community Newborn Care Practices<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b>Neonatal Mortality and its Concentration in India</b><b><u><o:p></o:p></u></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWBXP0azqZRx847s2jtjD6pOQuqkL2zEw9Baa9A6-6cqOlq7VOidASAlTqjOUixb497CEg8M-8AiTO8y2sHx8Ua_FHz0rbWbM_VTUip0RCxvsg57SR7Ef-6wAvEuC_c32rmrOup4kN9wc/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image+(2).bmp" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="262" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWBXP0azqZRx847s2jtjD6pOQuqkL2zEw9Baa9A6-6cqOlq7VOidASAlTqjOUixb497CEg8M-8AiTO8y2sHx8Ua_FHz0rbWbM_VTUip0RCxvsg57SR7Ef-6wAvEuC_c32rmrOup4kN9wc/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image+(2).bmp" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: xx-small; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Source: <a href="http://www.livemint.com/">http://www.livemint.com</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Every year about 0.76 million neonatal
deaths (death within one month of the birth) occur in India, which accounts for
28 percent of such death in the world, the greatest for any country. About
two-thirds of infant deaths and half of under-five child deaths are during the
neonatal period. India’s Neonatal
Mortality Rate (NMR) stands at 29 deaths per 1000 live birth, and the states at
high risk include Madhya Pradesh (39), Odhisa (39), Uttar Pradesh (37),
Rajasthan (35) and Chhattisgarh (31).
Though the Neonatal Mortality Rate (NMR) has declined from 52 per 1000
live births in 1990 to 29 per 1000 live births in 2012 (SRS 2012) the declining
rate has been very slow as compared to many other developing countries and
emerging economic states. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">A latest report ‘State of India’s
Newborn 2014’ released by Public Health Foundation of India (PHFI) reveals the
health disparities among newborns of various communities in India. According to
the report, health outcomes are shaped not just by biological factors but also
by the social, economic, and cultural environment. Social hierarchies and
inequitable distribution of resources produce significant inequalities in the health
and well being of people.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Considering the health inequality and
social inequality interface, the poorest and most disadvantaged have a higher
risk for diseases. This includes the urban and rural poor, female children,
specially-abled persons, and traditionally marginalized and excluded
communities like Scheduled Tribes (STs), Scheduled Castes (SCs), and ethnic and
religious minorities. They also have a higher probability of being excluded
from the health services. The PHFI report states that the newborn in these
populations are expected to be the most vulnerable to morbidity and mortality. It
is evident from the empirical data on Indian neonatal and child mortality that
mortality is high among children of these socially disadvantaged and
economically deprived communities. The report by Public Health Foundation of
India has also emphasized on identifying such communities. The report says that
doing this will help in identifying entry points for action and setting
priorities for long-term improvement in neonatal survival. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">High Risk Communities<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<table border="1" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="MsoTableMediumShading2Accent5" style="border-collapse: collapse; border: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-insideh: .5pt solid windowtext; mso-border-insidev: .5pt solid windowtext; mso-padding-alt: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184;">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td style="background: #4BACC6; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-background-themecolor: accent5; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 99.9pt;" valign="top" width="133"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="color: white;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">High Risk Communities<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
</td>
<td style="background: #4BACC6; border-left: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-background-themecolor: accent5; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 373.5pt;" valign="top" width="498"><div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="mso-yfti-cnfc: 1; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: white;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Status of Neonatal Deaths<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="background: #4BACC6; border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-background-themecolor: accent5; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 99.9pt;" valign="top" width="133"><div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="mso-yfti-cnfc: 68; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: white;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Rural Population<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
</td>
<td style="background: #D8D8D8; border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-background-themecolor: background1; mso-background-themeshade: 216; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 373.5pt;" valign="top" width="498"><div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="mso-yfti-cnfc: 64; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In rural
areas, neonates are at two times more risk of dying, as compared to their
urban counterparts. Data has recorded Neonatal Mortality Rate as high as 33
deaths per 1000 live birth in rural India as compared to 16 for urban areas.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="mso-yfti-cnfc: 64; text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Source:
SRS<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="background: #4BACC6; border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-background-themecolor: accent5; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 99.9pt;" valign="top" width="133"><div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="mso-yfti-cnfc: 4; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: white;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Women<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 373.5pt;" valign="top" width="498"><div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">As children get older, probability of
female mortality becomes higher than the males. Females have 36 percent
higher mortality than males in the post neonatal period, but a 61 percent
higher mortality than males at age 1-4 years.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Source:
NFHS-3<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="background: #4BACC6; border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-background-themecolor: accent5; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 99.9pt;" valign="top" width="133"><div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="mso-yfti-cnfc: 68; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: white;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Dalits and Adivasis<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
</td>
<td style="background: #D8D8D8; border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-background-themecolor: background1; mso-background-themeshade: 216; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 373.5pt;" valign="top" width="498"><div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="mso-yfti-cnfc: 64; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Child born in
a SC family has 13 per cent higher risk of dying in the neonatal period and
18 percent higher risk of dying in the post-neonatal period, as compared to
others. Similarly, a child born in a ST family has 19 per cent higher risk of
dying in the neonatal period and 54 percent risk of dying in the post
neonatal period. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="mso-yfti-cnfc: 64; text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Source:
UNICEF<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="background: #4BACC6; border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-background-themecolor: accent5; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 99.9pt;" valign="top" width="133"><div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="mso-yfti-cnfc: 4; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: white;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Educationally Disadvantage Section<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 373.5pt;" valign="top" width="498"><div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Children born to a mother with at
least eight years of schooling have 32 percent lesser chance of dying in
neonatal period and 52 per cent lesser chances in the postnatal period, as
compared to illiterate mothers.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Source:
UNICEF<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Newborn
Care Practices among High-risk Communities <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Given the diversity of India, each
community and region have their own local newborn care practices. Most of these
practices are strong and legitimate, since they originate from local culture,
environment and religion. Some of them are also based on traditional medical
knowledge of the community regarding pregnancy and neonatal care. Traditional
Birth Attendants (TBAs) are the key stakeholders in practicing and delivering
traditional neonatal for the disadvantaged population in villages, slums,
tribal areas etc. Various studies on this issue have identified many practices
that are healthy for the survival and growth of the newborn. However, studies
also identify a number of hazardous practices that leads to many prevalent
causes of neonatal death such as sepsis, pneumonia, birth asphyxia, injuries,
tetanus and diarrhea. The lack of institutional care system and prevalence of
such harmful neonatal care practices are correlated to the higher concentration
of neonatal death in villages, slums and traditional communities. Some of these
practices are described here briefly to understand their impact. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<table border="1" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="MsoTableLightGrid" style="border-collapse: collapse; border: none; mso-border-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-themecolor: text1; mso-padding-alt: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184;">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td style="border-bottom: solid black 2.25pt; border: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-bottom-themecolor: text1; mso-border-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Harmful Local
Neonatal Care Practices<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid black 2.25pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid black 1.0pt; border-top: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-bottom-themecolor: text1; mso-border-left-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-left-themecolor: text1; mso-border-right-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Health Consequences<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="background: silver; border-top: none; border: solid black 1.0pt; mso-background-themecolor: text1; mso-background-themetint: 63; mso-border-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Home Delivery by Untrained Individual<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">More than one
third of deliveries in the rural areas are conducted outside health
institutions. One in every four deliveries is conducted by untrained
individual/person in the villages.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
<td style="background: silver; border-bottom: solid black 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid black 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-background-themecolor: text1; mso-background-themetint: 63; mso-border-bottom-themecolor: text1; mso-border-left-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-left-themecolor: text1; mso-border-right-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The unsafe places of deliveries and
untrained person conducting deliveries cannot handle complicated cases. This
increases probability of health complications in mother and neonatal care.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Thermal Care<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Common
practices in slums and rural areas identified by number of studies reveals
that most of the newborn were given a bath immediately after birth.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid black 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid black 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-bottom-themecolor: text1; mso-border-left-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-left-themecolor: text1; mso-border-right-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Bathing immediately after birth causes
hypothermia and may lead to death<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="background: silver; border-top: none; border: solid black 1.0pt; mso-background-themecolor: text1; mso-background-themetint: 63; mso-border-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Delay in Breastfeeding<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">According to
the latest SRS data, during 2012-13 as high as 3.72 million newborns in India
were not breastfed within one hour of the birth<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
<td style="background: silver; border-bottom: solid black 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid black 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-background-themecolor: text1; mso-background-themetint: 63; mso-border-bottom-themecolor: text1; mso-border-left-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-left-themecolor: text1; mso-border-right-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The delay in breastfeeding and feeding
baby with any liquid and solid food other than mother’s milk before the age
of six month is a harmful practice for health and survival of the newborn.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Asphysia Care<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">To clean the
airway of secretion, the newborn needs to be held upside down and the back
slapped immediately after birth. Many studies found that there is a lack of
knowledge about asphyxia in communities across the country and also amongst
traditional birth attendants.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid black 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid black 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-bottom-themecolor: text1; mso-border-left-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-left-themecolor: text1; mso-border-right-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Asphyxia is one of the major causes of
the neonatal death in India. Common community practices such as holding the
baby upside down and patting or massaging it, blowing in the ears, sprinkling
and dipping it in water and making loud noises are harmful for the newborn<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 7.6pt; mso-yfti-irow: 4; mso-yfti-lastrow: yes;">
<td style="background: silver; border-top: none; border: solid black 1.0pt; height: 7.6pt; mso-background-themecolor: text1; mso-background-themetint: 63; mso-border-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Postpartum Hygiene<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Umbilical
cord care is a big issue in villages, tribal areas and in the slums.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
<td style="background: silver; border-bottom: solid black 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid black 1.0pt; border-top: none; height: 7.6pt; mso-background-themecolor: text1; mso-background-themetint: 63; mso-border-bottom-themecolor: text1; mso-border-left-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-left-themecolor: text1; mso-border-right-themecolor: text1; mso-border-top-alt: solid black 1.0pt; mso-border-top-themecolor: text1; padding: 0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; width: 239.4pt;" valign="top" width="319"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Cord cutting and tying practices in
rural India is one among high risk factors for neonatal infections. The blade
is commonly used to cut off the umbilical cord in rural and geographically
difficult areas but following the steps of clean cord care remain a problem.
Most people lack knowledge about sterilization of the blade and after care. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Policy
Responses and Way Forward<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The entire cycle of reproduction and
local cultural practices are intertwining. There are number of good neonatal
care practices but we have also witnessed a number of harmful practices that
fuel mortality of newborns. It shows us that the issue is not just medical but also
has social dimensions. Indian Maternal and Child health policies have always
addressed social aspect in various ways. In the last decade, National Rural
Health Mission promoted community level interventions through ASHAs. However,
TBAs remain the main source for delivering both good and bad community
practices. The Indian policies never took TBAs seriously to involve them in
health system other than providing them some skill trainings. There were no
serious efforts to exchange knowledge between TBAs and modern medical
professionals. Health system needs to accommodate TBAs and consider their
community influence, traditional knowledge and skills along with knowledge gap to
promote better neonatal care in the country. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i><b>Jeet Singh and Shriyam Gupta</b></i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-82379161868779362182014-11-04T12:50:00.002+05:302014-11-04T15:01:08.057+05:30Creating Social Change to End Manual Scavenging <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVlv3XFIbSuY2o5GGnoWr387mAEEuGzW1URnGEAnQdItuS3HcUvyJfs9l-TYo3AcBLe9zNBSHWj58UmSFwCo48PcMGneBh3yxGq9GhHMhl9SUmU6tM_AJJahc-cId7YRFVpi2mtt2Q_6A/s1600/2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVlv3XFIbSuY2o5GGnoWr387mAEEuGzW1URnGEAnQdItuS3HcUvyJfs9l-TYo3AcBLe9zNBSHWj58UmSFwCo48PcMGneBh3yxGq9GhHMhl9SUmU6tM_AJJahc-cId7YRFVpi2mtt2Q_6A/s1600/2.jpg" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Source: UN Women</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #0b5394;">Manual Scavenging-The dirty truth </span><span style="color: #4f81bd;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">“Hundreds
of thousands of impoverished "low caste" Indians are being forced to
clean human excreta from dry toilets and open drains, despite a ban on the
discriminatory and undignified practice”, reports Human Rights Watch (HRW) in
its recent publication in August 2014. It is a shameful truth that reflects the
discrimination practised by society and the state towards one of the most vulnerable
sections of the population, the Dalits. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Manual Scavenging is not only dehumanising but also dangerous.<b> </b>According to the Tata Institute
of Social Sciences,
80 per cent of the manual scavengers die before they turn 60 because of health
problems and accidents. In the last decade, 98 manual scavengers have died in
Gujarat. This figure was gathered by Safai Kamdar Vikas Nigam, in reply to an
RTI query and was published by the Times Of India in April 2014. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Despite
legislations prohibiting employment of manual scavengers and demolition of dry
toilets, the 'Houselisting and Housing Census 2011' data in March, 2012 shows a
bleak picture. Its estimation of <b>insanitary
or</b> <b>dry latrines in the country is
close to 26 lakhs. </b>Though there is no credible data on the exact count of manual
scavengers in the country, various surveys and sources have suggested that
there are approximately <b>11 lakhs manual
scavengers</b> in India. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Legislations
banning the practice alone cannot change the social realities. There are number
of legislations to eliminate manual scavenging like The <b>Civil Rights Act, 1955</b>; <b>the Construction of Dry Latrines and
Employment of Manual Scavengers (Prohibition) Act, 1993</b> and the recently enacted <b>Prohibition of
Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013</b>. However, the
twin evils of insanitary latrines and manual scavenging persist. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Our
society has to challenge and break free from the internalised caste hierarchy,
empower the minds of the manual scavengers and change the attitude of the state.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #0b5394;">Attitude of the society</span><span style="color: #4f81bd;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Manual
scavenging is a manifestation of the rigid caste system in India. Manual
scavengers belong to one of the Dalit sub-castes and are considered lowest in
the caste hierarchy. The society, time and again has treated Dalits as
untouchables and reserved the humiliating job of cleaning excreta only for them
thus reinforcing the idea of untouchability based on occupation. A child born into
a family of manual scavengers is denied the basic rights guaranteed under the
constitution. Manual scavenging as an occupation is passed on from one
generation to another.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"> In the rare occasion when a manual scavenger
challenges the social structure and his position in it; s/he is threatened by members
of higher castes, and ostracized to the extent that s/he is denied food entry
to communal land to feed their livestock, and other facilities necessary for his
survival. The community in which the manual scavenger lives does not allow them
to break free from their caste based roles. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #0b5394;">Lack of political will of the State </span><span style="color: #4f81bd;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Government institutions like municipal corporations,
village councils, railways and defence are the largest violators of the law and
perpetuate the problem by continuing to recruit manual scavengers and failing to
demolish dry toilets.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Indian Railways <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #0f131f;">Approximately 43,000 railway coaches are engaged in the
passenger service, and there are about 1, 72,000 insanitary toilets which
discharge the human excreta on the railway tracks that require the services of
manual scavengers. </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #333333;">Intrigued, the
high court ordered an inspection of bio-toilets led by a team of senior
advocates P S Narasimha and Rajiv Nanda. In their status report to the court,
the advocates described work on bio-toilet installation as being extremely slow
and criticised the Ministry of Railway’s timid target of installing only 500
bio-toilets.</span><span lang="EN-GB"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Municipal Corporations<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">A recent survey report by Manav Garima, a community
based organisation fighting against dry toilets and practice of manual scavenging
have brought to light the existence of dysfunctional toilets under the aegis of
Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC). Located in slums, these toilets do not
have proper sewerage system, water facility etc. Also, not every household has a separate toilet.
People are forced to defecate in the open. The survey which looked at few
sample areas found out that there were 126 areas where manual scavenging was practised
and there were 188 dry latrines. To make the situation worse, AMC built 30 new
dry toilets in the Nagorivad area of Ahmedabad. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">A survey conducted in a few villages of Dhule in
Maharashtra, by the Rashtriya Garima Abhiyan showed that 162 women and 90 men
were hired by panchayats and municipal corporations to manually clean toilets
and open defecation areas. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #0b5394;">Challenges faced by people and breaking the silence </span><span style="color: #4f81bd;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">People who continue cleaning human excreta do it involuntarily
under great social pressure, poverty, illiteracy and often because of the extreme atrocities they experience when
they seek alternative job opportunities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">As
reported in the Human Rights Watch publication, the manual scavengers face
resistance not only from the members of higher castes but often from local
officials like Pradhans who refuse to give manual scavengers any in</span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">formation or
assistance in getting a job card. As a result, manual scavengers are deprived
of work opportunities provided by MNREGA. </span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The
fear of demanding a new life and accepting the humiliation as fate is the
greatest challenge. There are many schemes and legislations to provide education,
alternative job opportunities, trainings to manual scavengers, but these
benefits and opportunities alone cannot change their situation unless every
single manual scavenger refuses to clean other’s excreta. Until then, when a
manuals scavenger denies cleaning the dirt, there is another manual scavenger
ready to do his work. Hence, it is
crucial to make manual scavengers aware that such dehumanising work is illegal and
by mobilising them their voice can be made to be heard not as an individual but
as a group. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #0b5394;">Role of Social Movements towards defending the right’s
of manual scavengers </span><span style="color: #4f81bd;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In contrast to constitutional safeguards, some
civil society movements have been able to bring to the forefront the massive
discrimination faced by manual scavengers in India.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Safai Karamchari Andolan<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Safai Karmachari Andolan (SKA) is a national
movement working towards eradicating manual scavenging, by organising and
mobilising the community around the issues of dignity and rights, accompanied
by strategic advocacy and legal interventions. SKA’s efforts helped to uncover
the fact that government
departments including Railways, Defence, Judiciary and Education are violators
of the Manual Scavenging Prohibition Act. A <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_Interest_Litigation" title="Public Interest Litigation">Public Interest Litigation</a> (PIL) was filed
in the Supreme Court by SKA and 18
other civil society organisations in 2003. As a result, the Supreme Court gave strict orders to all
the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/States_in_India" title="States in India"><span style="color: windowtext;">states</span></a> and central ministries to address the issue of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manual_scavenging" title="Manual scavenging"><span style="color: windowtext;">manual scavenging</span></a>. In
2010, for the first time 23 hearings were conducted in the state of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haryana" title="Haryana"><span style="color: windowtext;">Haryana</span></a> and the act
was enforced and 16 members were taken into custody for violating the law and
employing manual scavengers.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Rashtriya Garima Abhiyan<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #0f131f;">Launched by Jan Sahas
Development Society, the “Rashtriya Garima Abhiyan” is a national campaign for dignity
and elimination of manual scavenging. The Abhiyan has liberated 11,000 manual
scavengers in Madhya Pradesh. By organising <i>sanghatans
</i>or community-based organisations, it has mobilised manual scavengers and
empowered them to oppose all kinds of discrimination. Liberated and empowered,
manual scavengers have taken the lead in putting an end to this practice. The
campaign has been taken to other villages and states. In December 2012, the Rashtriya
Garima Abhiyan, also organised </span>a two-month long march ‘The Maila Mukti Yatra’ across
18 Indian states that liberated thousands of manual scavengers. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #0f131f;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Similar success
stories have been showcased by other national and local level movements which have
successfully spread awareness and empowered manual scavengers and helped them
fight against their own fears and challenge the rigid social structure and government
institutions that are responsible for depriving them of their rights to live in
dignity. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span style="color: #0b5394;">Journey towards changing mindsets </span></b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Manual
scavenging is “shame of the nation” said Mahatma Gandhi. The fight to end manual scavenging is more
than one individual’s struggle; it is a struggle of the nation. Social
movements have shown positive change by bringing people together. For a change
to happen at a large scale, it is important for all the segments of the society,
including civil society organisations and the state, to join hands and fight
against the violation of human dignity. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Legislations
and schemes prohibiting manual scavenging, as modernising India’s sanitation, are important. But for effective implementation
of these, mindsets of people, society and state needs to undergo change. Synergised
efforts towards challenging the caste structure, changing the mindsets of
people involved in scavenging and people employing them as scavengers can make
a significant positive difference.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">By Abhishikta Roy </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-92114661258658142132014-10-30T17:25:00.001+05:302014-11-04T11:57:22.110+05:30Is Abrogating Article 370 a Mistake?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOc0Dwkj79eEceyvW8fkcwVPyLOQdJ2W5xVCiND1jhUleAGPu89rhFH1dqY5wv0unItVtyQqNlMT4mXkppCnATXhywWUga30zLK64dnML_hJ0MvNjgQw42A_6fEpuKTHpyB-xZ7VHkn-w/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image+(2).bmp" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOc0Dwkj79eEceyvW8fkcwVPyLOQdJ2W5xVCiND1jhUleAGPu89rhFH1dqY5wv0unItVtyQqNlMT4mXkppCnATXhywWUga30zLK64dnML_hJ0MvNjgQw42A_6fEpuKTHpyB-xZ7VHkn-w/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image+(2).bmp" height="195" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Source: rediff.com<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">India is a country which embraced Federalism at the time of
independence from Colonial rule with many nations existing within its ambit. A
noteworthy instance in acknowledging the Federal polity in India is that of
Jammu and Kashmir and <a href="http://lawmin.nic.in/olwing/coi/coi-english/Const.Pock%202Pg.Rom8Fsss(27).pdf"><span style="color: black;">Article 370</span></a> of the constitution which grants the state an autonomous
status. Since the BJP-led government assumed office at the Centre in May 2014,
the idea of abrogation of this article has been gaining steam. However, this
move may jeopardize India’s already fragile relations with the state of Jammu
and Kashmir and may lead to a forced Balkanisation of the state and defeat the
idea of Cooperative Federalism with which article 370 was enacted. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">On July 11,
2014, the Supreme Court of India dismissed a petition challenging the
constitutional validity of Article 370. A bench of Chief Justice RM Lodha,
Justice Pinaki Chandra Ghose and Justice Rohinton Fali Nariman dismissed the
plea by Kumari Vijayalakshmi Jha, who argued that the article was a temporary
provision that lapsed with the dissolution of the state's constituent assembly
in 1957. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">However, the impact that this proposed move would have on
the Indian Federal structure are lost in the din of political rhetoric. Why has
this article been the most debated one among all the provisions of the Indian
constitution? What is the BJP’s interest in abrogating it and what impact would
this action have on not only the people of Jammu and Kashmir, but also India as
a whole? These are some of the aspects explored in this essay. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: left;">
<b style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Brief
History</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">At the time of independence, J&K was a Muslim majority
state with a Hindu ruler, Raja Hari Singh. The state was a bone of contention
between then newly formed Pakistan and India. Being a Muslim state, Pakistan
demanded that the state be a part of that country while upholding the ideals of
secularism, India staked claim at it. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">There was no provision in the British approved partition
plan which stated upfront that the Hindu Princely state must accede to India
and the Muslim states to Pakistan. The accession of Junagadh was an example of
the ambiguity consequent to this. Jinnah accepted the accession of Junagadh to
Pakistan in 1947 despite it being predominantly a Hindu province and later a
people’s movement revoked that decision and Junagadh became a part of India.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Article 370 was a result of a refusal by the Hindu
King Raja Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir to join either India or Pakistan
after partition. In order to retain sovereignty of the state, despite
Pakistan’s claim over it owing to a Muslim majority in line with the two-nation
theory, led to the state’s monarch siding with the Indian side under special
circumstances. All the other princely
states had chosen sides among the two countries, however, owing to a political
movement under the leadership of Sheikh Abdullah (Father of Farooque Abdullah;
later formed the National Conference), who was opposed to merging with
Pakistan, J&K was granted a special status. In 1947, coming under attack
from NWFP tribes, an Instrument of Accession was signed between Hari Singh and
India which agreed upon maintaining the state’s sovereignty unlike other
princely states. What this meant in effect was that other than specific matters
including defence, communications and foreign policy, the Indian Parliament
would have to seek permission from J&K State Assembly before implementing
any laws in the state. The article was accepted in the Constituent Assembly in
1947 and was adopted in the Constitution in October 1949. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In 1949, PM
Nehru asked Abdullah, who was appointed as the PM of J&K to prepare a draft
of the article (then called Draft Article 306-A) to be appended to the
Constitution in consultation with Dr. Ambedkar.
The then Law Minister Dr. Ambedkar had refused to draft the article on
the grounds that while Abdullah wanted India to defend and develop Kashmir and
that Kashmiris have equal rights all over India, the same rights must not apply
to citizens from other parts of the country in Kashmir. He felt that it was a
betrayal of the national interest. On his refusal, the article was eventually
drafted by Gopalaswami Ayengar who was a minister without a portfolio in the
first Cabinet of India and a former Diwan of Hari Singh. After being introduced
in the Constituent Assembly, the draft Article 306-A faced extensive
opposition, with only Mualana Azad standing in its favour. However, with Pandit
Nehru’s backing, it was adopted and implemented, initially as a temporary arrangement, with hopes of a full integration
in time to come.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The idea of a Plebiscite in J&K to uphold the
people’s voice of the state in framing the state’s constitution was taken up
briefly in the beginning, being discarded eventually in 1949. The Constituent
Assembly of J&K which was to be consulted for any Central Law to be
implemented in the state was constituted in 1951 and dissolved in 1957 and in
the absence of such a body, abrogation of the article 370 is simply
unconstitutional.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Government’s
interest in revoking article 370<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The BJP has indicated in the past that once in power, it
would work on abrogating Article 370. Now that they have a government at the
Centre, this seems like an impending reality. A junior Minister in the Prime
Minister’s Office, Jitendra Singh recently said in a statement “We are in the
process of repealing Article 370 and are in talks with the stakeholders,” starting
fresh speculations on the issue. Also<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;"> veteran
BJP leader L K Advani, in his blog, called for the same in order to facilitate
Kashmir’s further integration into the country. This blog was a tribute
to the founder of Jan Sangh, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee who died in a jail in
J&K in 1953 while leading agitation against the article.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The
reason for BJP to want the article gone is rooted in the history of how it came
about. Being a Right-wing Hindu Nationalist Party, the BJP maintains that after
the implementation of Article 370 in J&K, Sheikh Abdullah was appointed the
Prime Minister of the state. He brought about reforms in the state, especially
pertaining to land which adversely affected the Kashmiri Hindus (especially the
upper caste Pandits) and led to them being relegated in their social standing.
The land-owning Hindu community, as a consequence to the law limiting maximum
land individual holding of 22.75 acres, lost their land during the
redistribution process where any surplus land holdings was distributed among
the peasants who worked on it, mostly Kashmiri Muslims. This led to the idea of
land redistribution mistaken for communalism. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Moreover, since 1950, on several occasions, various
provisions of Article 370 have been overruled by Constitutional orders. As it
stands now, out of 395 total articles in the Indian Constitution, 135 are
alm0st identical to that of the J&K Constitution and 260 articles have been
applied to J&K making the article virtually irrelevant. Although,
officially, J&K still enjoys an autonomous status, in reality, the state is
farther away from autonomy now than it was at the time of independence. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Unfortunately,
the larger implications of scrapping this legislation would impact India’s
relations with J&K, a state which agreed to be a part of the country on the
sole condition of retaining its autonomy. Any attempts at abrogating this
article, would therefore, fuel the already-existent mass resentment against the
Centre. The article, as it is, hasn’t been followed through in entirety,
however, scrapping it completely would lead to a further trust deficit in the
people of the sate towards the Union. For the BJP too, to move past the labels
of being a majority-appeasing, radical Hindu party, it is important to drop
this issue. Moreover, PM Modi, in his Republic Day message this year as the
Chief Minister of Gujarat had emphasized on the critical importance of a
vibrant and functional federal structure in India as the Centre may not always
be able to do justice to the potential and needs of various states. Repealing
article 370 wouldn’t uphold the same vibrant and functional federal structure
he spoke about. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Abrogating the article a mistake<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="apple-converted-space">There
is a widespread opposition in the state against speculations of the Centre
abrogating article 370 with the current government being politically opposed by</span> both, the
separatists and the NC. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Article 370
grants the state of J&K special provisions with regards to its political
structure. This article, according to the constitution, can only be abrogated
or modified by the President with the nod from the state government and an
approval by the state’s constituent assembly. By this definition,
constitutionally, the article cannot be abrogated because J&K’s constituent
assembly was dissolved in 1957 after the accession of the state was deemed
complete and ceases to exist now. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Since 1956, when
the Indian constitution was amended at Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s insistence,
J&K has slowly but steadily been losing the powers it was guaranteed under
section 370. In 1957, the Delhi Amendment was applied to the state, abolishing
the Sadr-e-Riyasat and PM position in J&K, replacing them with Governor and
CM. There started the complete dilution of autonomy. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The provisions
of the article have time and again been ignored by respective central
governments in India and consequently, it has already been diluted to an extent
of only remaining as a symbolic right to the people of J&K. However,
abrogating it completely would send out a message to the Kashmiri population
that the Centre has failed to recognize the state’s autonomy which was the
essential condition at the time of accession. In an environment of an already
high level of distrust in Kashmiris towards the Indian state, this move could
be seen as an attempt to completely disregard their voice in the constitutional
process, that they have no right over their own political fate. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Essentially, the
problem is in the perception of how the article is seen by the central
government and the state. The state sees it as a constitutional right to
autonomy and self governance while the Centre sees it as an extended temporary
provision which has run its course. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In 1949, India
had taken the matter to the UN and thereafter, several resolutions were passed
relating to it, most of which concluded that bilateral negotiations between
India and Pakistan would be the only way to solve this conundrum. Despite that,
there hasn’t been much said about the issue by either of the countries openly
in the recent times, although, tensions remain on the surface. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">There have been
attempts within India to solve the tensions between the Centre and the state
leadership, Beg-Parthasarthy Accord of 1975 being one of them. In 2010 also, a
special group headed by Justice Saghir was sent by then Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh to negotiate the terms of article 370 with the state. However, none of
the efforts by any of the governments has yielded any concrete positive
results. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">If this article
is abrogated, the next step would be the Balkanisation of the state into Jammu,
Kashmir and Ladakh regions at the behest of the Centre. History proves that
such a move can have only a detrimental impact on the people of such states.
States emerging from erstwhile Yugoslavia serve as a reminder to this grim
reality. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Conclusion<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The call for
abrogation is also indicative of a complete misunderstanding of Indian
federalism which is founded in the theory of unequal federalism. The
constitution has abundant provisions providing special status to various other
states too. Then there are the Fifth and the Sixth Schedule for the Tribal and
Northeastern states. Would these be revoked too in time to come? How then would the centre protect the rights
of those who have neither sufficient representation nor, adequate opportunities
for progress? This unequal but special provision guarantee these protections to
the most marginalized and neglected communities in India, revoking their rights
would result in a sure descent into a similar undemocratic structure which our
founding fathers opposed and fought against.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></span> </div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<b style="background-color: white; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<b style="background-color: white; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Medha
Chaturvedi</span></b></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-35542674280718943012014-10-16T12:01:00.000+05:302014-10-16T17:10:50.234+05:30Caste Atrocities in India: Time to Review the PoA Act, 1989<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The constitutional commitment of
equality, liberty, justice and dignity to all Indian citizens is the expression
of our vision of building a nation without any discrimination including
deep-rooted discrimination based on caste. In the past 68 years of
independence, this commitment made in the Preamble has been translated into
action through various public policies to abolish discrimination. Yet caste
discrimination remains a widespread phenomenon throughout India. The cruelest
outcome of caste discrimination against Dalits and Adivasis is the physical
violence against them by socially advantaged caste groups in India. Recognizing
such crimes and vulnerability of Dalits and Adivasis, the government of India
enacted ‘<b>The Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act’ in 1989 (PoA Act) </b>to deter
such violence and ensure justice and protection to them. However, its
implementation remains very weak and the vulnerability of SCs and STs has
barely improved.<b> </b>Dalit rights
organizations and various other public institutions indicated towards
non-implementation of the law, in-effectiveness of law to deter commonly
committed caste base atrocities, lack of statutory arrangements in the states,
corruption in police system and influence of caste system in public
institutions. Considering all these loopholes in the Act, it has been demanded
by various stakeholders to amend this law in order to ensure higher protection
of victims and prevent caste-based atrocities. UPA-II government in the end of
its tenure brought an ordinance to amend the PoA Act in March 2014. The newly
formed NDA government introduced ‘The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes
(Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2014 in the Lok Sabha to replace the
ordinance<b>. </b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The Scheduled Castes (Dalits) and
Scheduled Tribes (Adivasis) together accounts around one fourth of Indian
population. Caste system deprives this entire section of population from
enjoying a life as it is articulated in the Preamble of the Indian
Constitution. Practices of the caste system such as untouchability and
discrimination many times lead to the gross physical atrocities. The literature
on atrocities shows that it is an all-India phenomenon legitimized by same
principle of caste hierarchy. Government of India enacted The Untouchability
(Offences) Act in 1955 to abolish practices of untouchability and protect
rights of individual. Even after this legislative mechanism, frequency of
atrocities against Dalits and Adivasis remain unchanged. Under the pressure
from Dalit Members of Parliament (MPs), the Government of India started
monitoring atrocities against SCs from 1974 and in the case of STs from 1981
onwards, with special focus on murder, rape, arson and grievous hurt. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The caste system is so deeply rooted in
Indian society that mere monitoring of atrocities and enacting a law to abolish
untouchability did not result into betterment of Adivasis and Dalits. The
socially and culturally legitimized caste system leads to the complex
manifestations such as discrimination, untouchability, atrocity on vulnerable
sections of the society. The enactment of PoA Act in 1989 as a special law
recognized complexity of caste base atrocities and higher vulnerability of
victims. This special law treats various IPC and other offences against STs and
SCs by any non ST and SC member in a different manner. It prescribes stronger
punishment and provides protection to the victims. The Act states that,
“despite various measures to improve the socio-economic conditions of SCs and
STs, they remain vulnerable. They are denied a number of civil rights; they are
subjected to various offences, indignities, humiliations and harassment. They
have, in several brutal incidents, been deprived of their life and property.
Serious atrocities are committed against them for various historical, social
and economic reasons .”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Implementation
of the Act<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">During two decades of its implementation
the PoA Act ensured justice, protection and rehabilitation for thousands of victims
of caste atrocities. . It also helped to generate awareness around basic human
rights. Dalits and Adivasis have utilized this law to assert their rights and
due share in society. However, various obstacles have been identified in its
smooth implementation and delivering justice to the victims. According to a
NHRC report on Status of Implementation of SCs and STs (Prevention of
Atrocities) Act, 1989, police resort to various machinations to discourage
SCs/STs from registering cases, to dilute the seriousness of the violence and
to shield the accused persons from arrest and prosecution. FIRs are often
registered under the Protection of Civil Right Act and IPC provision, which
attract lesser punishment than PoA Act provision for the same offence. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The National Coalition for Strengthening
SC & ST Prevention of Atrocity Act (a network of civil society organization
and Dalit activists) identified following major deficiencies of the Act and its
implementation : <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">·
<!--[endif]-->Under
reporting of the cases under the Act and deterred from making complaints of
atrocities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">·
<!--[endif]-->Deliberately
not registering cases under appropriate sections of the Act.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">·
<!--[endif]-->Delay
in filing charge sheet<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">·
<!--[endif]-->Not
arresting accused and the ones who are arrested are invariably released on
bail.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">·
<!--[endif]-->Filing
false and counter cases against Dalit victims by accused.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">·
<!--[endif]-->Compensation
prescribed under the Act 16 is invariably not paid.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">·
<!--[endif]-->Victims
have no access to legal aid. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">·
<!--[endif]-->Non-implementation
of statutory provisions in various States under the Act and Rule, 1995.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">According to the data of Ministry of
Social Justice and Empowerment, majority of states do not fulfill minimum
statutory provisions as per the Act, 1989 and Rules, 1995. Following table
shows the status of non-implementation of the provisions of SCs and STs (PoA) Act,
1989 and Rules 1995 by State Governments. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhR9vpsxtLE2SAWwNlG4wHLC6X6asCW25K57MvzijGLSQCfKxzr6Mo-VHvGYYhSigQoK0UJWuj1fibguG__Nhz0nt_dlvpevVUpcHyFkPrTNJ-dMEub1MXKJJc2boBM_07iG1yRkjY4bZU/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image.bmp" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhR9vpsxtLE2SAWwNlG4wHLC6X6asCW25K57MvzijGLSQCfKxzr6Mo-VHvGYYhSigQoK0UJWuj1fibguG__Nhz0nt_dlvpevVUpcHyFkPrTNJ-dMEub1MXKJJc2boBM_07iG1yRkjY4bZU/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image.bmp" height="248" width="640" /></span></a></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Although there is provision in the PoA
Act for the constitution of Special Courts to expeditiously try atrocity cases,
in reality what SCs/STs experience is a huge pendency of their cases before the
trial courts. Moreover, the conviction rate is very low. In fact, the
conviction rate under the PoA Act is found to be much lower than in cases
booked under IPC. According to the NCRB data, in 2013 the
average conviction rate for crimes against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes stood at 23.8% and 16.4% respectively as compared to overall conviction
rate of 40.2% relating to IPC cases and 90.9% relating to SLL (Special and
Local Law) cases. The processing of reported cases for investigation and trail
is very slow. According to the NCRB
data, 35645 cases are pending in different courts for trial. Large numbers of
cases are pending in States such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Odisha, Gujarat and
Karnataka. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The National Advisory Council (NAC)
during UPA government reviewed the provisions of law and cases of atrocities
and found that certain forms of atrocities, though well documented, are not
covered by the Act. NAC recommended for the incorporation of various IPC
offences and other commonly committed offences under the perview of this law to
ensure wider protection to the victims of caste atrocities. The National
Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) and Justice Punnaiah Commission
critically examined deficiencies of the Act and has suggested various
amendments to the Act. Human rights organizations have also highlighted various
gaps in the enforcement of the Act and Rules. Ministry of Social Justice and
Empowerment and Ministry of Home Affairs have issued various advisories to
State governments to fill the gaps in the enforcement.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Status
of Atrocities: <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB)
data further exposes the poor implementation of the Act and its minimal impact
in effectively dealing with caste based atrocities. The data reveals that the
number and frequency of crime against SCs and STs are continuously increasing.
The prevalent atrocities against SCs and STs includes incidents such as making
SCs eat human excreta, and subjecting both SCs and STs to physical assaults,
grievous hurt, arson, mass killings and rapes of SC/ST women, etc. Although the
National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) provides useful data that reveal the
extent of atrocities committed against the SCs/STs, these data do not fully
reflect the ground reality as most of the cases go unreported due to reluctance
by police to register atrocity cases for various reasons. One also finds caste
bias and corruption among the police force preventing registration and
investigation of cases. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><o:p></o:p></span><br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Even after low rate of reporting of
crime under PoA Act, incidences of crime under this Act has increased from
11602 incidences in 2008 to 13975 incidences in 2013. The incidences of rape
have shockingly increased from 1457 in 2008 to 2073 in 2013 (an increase of
42.27%). There has been no mitigation
with annual average of crimes registered against SCs/ST standing at 39408 and
daily average being 108. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Proposed
Amendments in PoA Act, 1989:<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The literature and empirical data on
caste atrocities reveals that it made nominal impact in the lives of SCs and
STs. However, various assessment of the law reveals that it has created a sense
of security and protection among the victims of the caste atrocity. Dalit and
Adivasi victims have used it as a tool to assert their basic rights and combat
with wrong social and cultural practices. The current situation of atrocities and
status of cases pending in police station and in courts led stakeholder to
advocate for amendment in the PoA Act, 1989. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The Scheduled Castes and The Scheduled
Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2014 introduced in the Lok
Sabha on July 16, 2014 that replaces ordinance enacted by UPA government in
March 2014 represents the consensus of
stakeholders to amend the law for better results. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The amendment Bill proposes substantial
changes in the chapter on ‘Offences of Atrocities’ (Chapter-II) of the
Principal Act. The proposed amendments attempts to increase number of IPC
offences under the preview of this act. It also recognizes commonly practiced
action in society to insult and harm dignity of person from SC and ST community
as an offence. <b>These offences are
garlanding with footwear, compelling to dispose or carry human or animal
carcasses, manual scavenging, attempting to promote feeling of ill-will against
SCs or STs, imposing or threatening a social or economic boycott. The
amendments in this chapter further specify duties of public servant in detail
and prescribe punishment in case of any neglect of duty by the public servant.
The common duties of public servant includes </b>registration of FIR,
furnishing a copy of information recorded by the informant in police station,
to record statements of victims or witnesses, conduct investigation, file
charge sheet within six days and keep records of document.<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Addressing issue of long pendency of
cases and low conviction rate under the Act, the amendment Bill proposes
constitution of Exclusive Special Court and Special Courts to dispose cases
within given time-frame. The provision in the bill ensures adequate number of
courts so that every case can be disposed within the period of two months from
the date of filling of the charge sheet.
The bill has inserted a new chapter namely <b>‘Chapter IVA’ in the principal Act, that describes the rights of
victims and witnesses</b> in detail. Some of the crucial rights of victims and
witnesses are as follows: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">· Right
of victims, their dependents and witnesses to access state’s support for their
protection against any kind of violence, threats, coercion, inducement and intimidation. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">· Right
of victims to access special support from government, that arises because of
their age, gender, educational disadvantage and poverty. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">· Right
of hearing views of victims at any proceeding under this Act in respect of
bail, discharge, release, parole, conviction or sentence of an accused. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">· Right
of victims, their dependents, informants and witnesses to access facilities of
relocation, rehabilitation and maintenance during investigation, inquiry and
trail of the case.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">· Right
to access information about trial, enquiry and trial such as recorded FIR and
provision of laws and allied schemes of relief for victims, their relatives. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">· <!--[endif]-->Right
to access relief in cash or kind.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 22.5pt; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">· Right
of atrocity victims and their dependents to take assistance from Non-Government
Organizations, social workers and advocates. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Soon after the introduction of the
amendment Bill in the Parliament, the Lok Sabha Speaker referred the Bill to
the Parliamentary standing committee for further deliberation. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><u><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Conclusion:
<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2014 introduced in budget
session 2014-15 replaces ordinance brought in by UPA-II government in March
2014. The proposed amendments in the principal act comprehensively addresses
issues of non-implementation, in-effectiveness and number of loopholes in the
existing law as highlighted by various human rights organizations, Dalit
activists and public institutions. The amendments in the Act will ensure wider
protection and timely justice to the victims of caste atrocities. It has
already been delayed for so many reasons, but now it is up to the Parliament
and political parties to understand the urgency of the amendment Bill to
provide relief to the SCs and STs who constitute almost one forth of Indian
population.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: left;">
<b><i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Jeet
Singh<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10pt;"></span> </div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-47522389928405441372014-10-13T14:40:00.001+05:302014-10-16T17:13:25.882+05:30Forest Rights Act and Land Ownership in India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="margin: 0in;">
<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj8je_zjg8tNC46lKlCNe2BeQvoIZgItQhf0872e-L-mcpPl8ndiWLjx7Bzuv5LSjT5MWI9hLPyIwmSZCl47eETD1KrBdW0sHbVPWhQPi4JnbeOpNalIuY16CsF4OOfW8afvAhuJnBx1l4/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj8je_zjg8tNC46lKlCNe2BeQvoIZgItQhf0872e-L-mcpPl8ndiWLjx7Bzuv5LSjT5MWI9hLPyIwmSZCl47eETD1KrBdW0sHbVPWhQPi4JnbeOpNalIuY16CsF4OOfW8afvAhuJnBx1l4/s1600/New+Bitmap+Image.jpg" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Source: the Hindu</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<b><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Introduction and Brief Background<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Forests in India house over 250 million people whose
home, hearth and livelihood comes from their forest dwellings for generations.
However, forest dwellers in India are among the most marginalized and neglected
sections of the society comprising primarily of tribal and Dalit communities
whose livelihood depends on the forest produce of the land that they have used
for centuries. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">During the
colonial era, the draconian Indian Forests Act (IFA) was enacted in 1927
divided the forest into the Reserved (no human activity allowed) and Protected
(controlled human activity allowed) categories. Some felling was allowed in the
latter category, but cultivation and livestock grazing were banned in both.
This destroyed the traditional way of life. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The abolition of the Zamindari system exacerbated the
situation as more common lands were nationalized and converted into protected
forests. This was later amended and the traditional occupants were given titles
based on the length of occupancy. This, however, gave disproportionate power to
the Patwaris (keeper of land records), and given the non-existence of ownership
records corruption became rampant. The FRA sought to rectify this by providing
a clear, transparent and environmentally friendly procedure for the
resettlement of the people and displaced wildlife. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">However, the act is not serving the purpose with which
it was enacted. Where is the implementation lagging behind? Would the current
government keep up the Centre’s commitment of equality in land ownership
notwithstanding the differences political ideology with the previous UPA
government? What exactly is the FRA? These are some of the issues examined in
this essay.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The
Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest
Rights) Act, 2006<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest
Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 (FRA) was enacted in 2006 to
address the sever shortcomings of the 1927 act. The IFA resulted in the
alienation of tribals and other forest dwellers. It is an act which protects
the land ownership titles in the tribal belt of India and had been demanded for
long to safeguard the interests of the most marginalized people of the country.
However, the implementation record (including guaranteed land holdings under
the act) has been poor. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Discrepancies in tribal forest land allocation and
redistribution has also been at the centre of India’s Left Wing insurgency in
what is called the Red Corridor. Therefore, he 2006 act’s importance multiplies
in not only addressing the injustice done to the traditional forest dwellers
over centuries, but also as a means to combat what has been called India’s
worst national security crisis. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The 2006 act was radically democratic in many ways as
it acknowledged the historical injustices done to the forest dwelling
communities and set a forward-looking path to correct those. There are twelve
types of rights enlisted in the 2006 act to undo the damage that has already
been done and these include rights to land occupation, forest produce, both
timber and non-timber, management of community forests and home and hearth. It
also empowers and makes accountable the traditional forest dwellers to protect
the biodiversity, water resources and other resources of the forest as well as
catchment areas and seeks to establish a community based forest administration
in the country with the Gram Sabhas at the helm of affairs. The land ownership
titles will be ascertained to the maximum limit of 4 ha per person by a
committee comprising the District Collector, the Divisional Forest Officer and
the Superintendent of Police. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">There are many misconceptions surrounding the act for
which it has come under criticism. Many people believe that the FRA is meant to
redistribute land up to a maximum ceiling of 4 hectares per person. However,
the truth is that this act is not a land redistribution act and does not
empower anyone to do so. On the issue of land, the FRA requires the state and
central government to legally recognise the lands as revenue lands on which
forest dwellers have been carrying out farming prior to 13 December 2005. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">For non-Scheduled Tribes (STs), this recognition comes
after proving that they have been farming on the land in question for the past
75 years. As per the FRA, the traditional forest dwellers and STs will only
receive rights to ‘land under their occupation’ and no more, for the time
specified up to a maximum of 4 hectares per person. Any claims over the
stipulated 4 hectares will not be entertained. No new land distribution will
take place and the titles given as per the act cannot be sold or transferred,
except through family hierarchy. It is not a welfare scheme and deals with
defining the forest land and its occupation. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">In 2012, then Minister for Tribal Affairs, Mr. Kishore
Chand Deo had written a </span><a href="http://tribal.nic.in/WriteReadData/Highlights/Documents/201302250504200283203File1416.pdf"><span style="color: black; font-size: 10pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">letter</span></a><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">to the CM’s of states, urging them to implement the
act properly. However, despite all the efforts by the previous government and
civil society activists, the implementation record of the act has remained
poor. Moreover, widespread corruption which still exists in the process of
implementation has hindered the powers of the act substantially. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Critics of the FRA say it was enacted by the
government for privatizing natural resources and making vote banks out of the
forest dwellers. But the basic principles of the act were largely
misinterpreted and contorted based on state-wise implementation record. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Conclusion <o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">The enactment of the
2006 FRA is an example of inclusive, democratic and enabling legislation which
came in a favorable pro-poor political environment. However, the implementation
rests with local authorities and state governments where the failure is stark.
According to Ministry of Tribal Affairs’ </span><a href="http://tribal.nic.in/WriteReadData/archiveDoc/201404280413232046887201402260212590468750MPRforthemonthofJanuary2014.pdf"><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">report</span></a><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">
from January 2014, 36, 54,420 claims have
been filed and 14, 18,078 titles have
been distributed. Further, 15,864 titles were ready for distribution.<b> </b>A total of 31, 06,690 claims
have been disposed of (85.01%). Unfortunately, there are no records of details
of the amount of land under each title. </span><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt; letter-spacing: 0.95pt;">Whether these gains for the forest
dwellers are consolidated in forms of actual substantive rights and </span><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">access remains an open question.</span><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">
There is also no readily available record of uses for such land. Various
non-government report states that this number is grossly inflated and titles to
a full authorized 4 ha per person are rare in all the states. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">There are also several
cases on encroachment still pending in the courts of different states wherein,
lack of proof of occupation has led to a traditional forest dweller to be
incarcerated as a squatter. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The role of Gram Sabhas
has also not been exemplified under the act yet on ground. Moreover, mining
activities on traditional forest land in some of the states by corporate houses
is still going unnoticed. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In spirit, this act is
phenomenal but the leakages in implementation reduce it to the status of just
another act which is supposed to work but isn’t. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The current government
needs to look beyond political differences and keenly push for a better
implementation of the FRA under due process. This is one of the landmark
legislations which follow the democratic principles enshrined by our founding
fathers in our constitution. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="right" style="margin: 0in; text-align: right;">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in; text-align: left;">
<b><span style="font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Medha Chaturvedi</span><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-40478824598172682672014-10-10T12:35:00.001+05:302014-10-10T13:25:14.636+05:30Development Roadmap: Threat to India’s Environment and Wildlife<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div align="justify">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The development roadmap of present
government as indicated through their recent</span></div>
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-qSe1wcsAULtku-Sk-45eZuUQNEZBSvhD-DFaTw4SOPoswZ8ADEdYiwIH4xQQmNVJRZmnr6_eYAtT1NGst_vHJHXWtKuLYZVx5esyOjNBLuiCEdPXemqeUESgPyzUawAplqsmUk_rKGw/s1600/survival.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-qSe1wcsAULtku-Sk-45eZuUQNEZBSvhD-DFaTw4SOPoswZ8ADEdYiwIH4xQQmNVJRZmnr6_eYAtT1NGst_vHJHXWtKuLYZVx5esyOjNBLuiCEdPXemqeUESgPyzUawAplqsmUk_rKGw/s1600/survival.jpg" height="126" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;">Photo: Survival International</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
economic policies would sharply
pose a threat to India’s marginalized communities, green environment and precious
wildlife. Thus with the dilution of the Forest Conservation Act, 1980 by the
Ministry of Environment and Forest to grant forest clearances for facilitating
development projects is a step towards this. The most sensitive areas around
tiger reservation, national parks and sanctuaries now would be under the grab
of project developers as they have been de-linked from wildlife assessment
impacts.<o:p></o:p></div>
</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Such kind of policy decision would
necessarily help the developers to go ahead with the linear projects of
irrigation, canals, highways and power lines, but by massive destruction of
India’s rich forest areas and its wildlife. Though providing funds for
compensatory afforestation is mandatory, but fair utilization of this fund
would be a challenge. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The present government has also done
away with the need for consent of tribals for forest and mine openings in their
traditional lands, which clearly violates their rights. The state government
can no longer put any additional conditions to protect forest and biodiversity
for those projects which have been cleared from the Centre. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">All these steps are taken with a
justification that India need development, and all its citizens must enjoy the
fruits of it. But such a policy roadmap to modernize India clearly in
contradiction with the issue of the rights of tribals over their forest land,
which would also be at the cost of precious environment and wildlife. This
development policy is unsustainable and undemocratic. Can this development ensure
the well being of the last and the least in the country or is it a path towards
more inequity in the economy?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Read
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Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-44406004686579047312014-10-08T13:57:00.002+05:302014-10-08T14:18:03.891+05:30Billionaires versus the Rest: India’s Skewed Market and Wealth Concentration<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo Source: Business Today</td></tr>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Widening income inequality between the rich and poor in India
is an alarming concern of the policy makers. The report of the United Nations
Economic and Social Commission for Asia and Pacific (UN - ESCAP) currently has
shown that the crude estimation of income inequality - the Gini coefficient has
increased in India’s post liberalised phase from 30.8 in 1990s to 33.9 in 2000s.<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"> <a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; color: black; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN; mso-themecolor: text1;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> </span></span></span><br />
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<span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span></span><br />
<span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Several other studies also reflect similar findings of
high income inequality in India, which has gone high in post economic
liberalisation phase in 1990s. The idea of liberalisation was to initiate the
role of market by ending India’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">License
Raj</i> system, which can help India to become a competent player in global and
open market system. Open market economy then brought a startling growth of
about 8% percent for almost a decade in India. Such growth has brought in many
changes in the country including successful creation of super-rich club of
billionaires. The findings of Gandhi and Walton show that in mid-1990s, India began
with two billionaires, worth a combined total of $3.2 billion, and by 2012
there were 46 billionaires with total net worth of $176.3 billion.</span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">[ii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> The
latest newspaper report says that the number of billionaires in India has
nearly doubled in 2014 to 109 from 59 in 2013, with total net worth of $ 422
billion. The top 10 of them have wealth worth $ 138.04 billion. Mukesh Ambani is
the richest person in India with wealth worth $ 26.89 billion. His wealth has
increased by about 37% from last year. Gautam Adani, the 10<span style="font-size: small;"><sup>th</sup>
richest person in the raw, whose wealth has increased by about 152% from last
year and worth $ 7.17 billion. The average age of Indian billionaire is 62,
where six of them are below 40 years.</span></span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_ednref3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">[iii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> The
ratio of total billionaire wealth to gross domestic product (GDP) has grown
from mere 1% in mid-1990s to 6.6% in 2006 to 9.9% in 2012.</span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_ednref4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">[iv]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> In 2014,
the ratio between the billionaire wealth and the GDP has triggered up to 22%. Only
the top ten billionaires share about 8.09% of India’s GDP. It is also
interesting to see the regional concentration of these billionaires within
India. Mumbai, the financial capital of the country shares 70 of them followed
by Delhi, the administrative capital of India sharing 37, and Bangalore, the IT
capital of India sharing 23 of them. It is primarily therefore a metropolitan
club of billionaires in India monopolising the asset holding and economic power,
which bound have a sharp reflection on inequality with rest of India. The NRIs
from two nations UK and UAE have maximum contribution in this club with L. K.
Mittal being the richest person from UK with wealth worth Rs 97 K crores. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br /></div>
<div style="background: white; line-height: 14.25pt; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">On the brighter side, such statistics verify the fact
that India’s economy has become much vibrant in the liberalisation phase. The
rise of such rich class as argued by Gandhi and Walton is both due to business
dynamism and business oligarchy. Business dynamism through an active role of
corporate sector is significant in India’s economic success story. Thus IT,
software industry, biotech, pharmaceuticals, finance and banking, manufacturing
have contributed fairly in Indian economy. But India still has a high
oligarchic and undemocratic economic and business structure which results such
heavy concentration of wealth. Thus ‘rent-thick’ sectors like real estate,
infrastructure, construction, mining, telecom etc., still continue to be
dominated by India’s traditional merchant classes, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Khatris</i> and upper caste communities.</span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_ednref5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">[v]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> ‘Rent-thick’
sectors are those where returns often flow from monopolistic economic power by
holding scarce resources and deriving maximum profit. According to Crabtree,
about half of India’s billionaires acquired their wealth in such ‘rent-thick’
sectors.</span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_ednref6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">[vi]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;">It is alarming to see that only about few dozens of
billionaires (109) in the land of magnanimous 1.25 billion population shares
22% of GDP, and economic rules of the game are still rigged in favour of those
handful elites. Such concentration of wealth has been possible due to the
functioning of an undemocratic and non-competitive market even in the economic
liberalisation phase, which has not worked in favour of vulnerable and poorest
section of the society. Fair competition therefore can be a panacea, which </span></span><span lang="EN-IN">refers to a market situation in which each entrepreneur can have an independent
bargaining power to achieve the business objectives. Competition according to a
Government of India report bound to stimulate innovation and productivity, having
optimum allocation of resources in the economy. It guarantees protection of
consumer interests, reduces costs and improves quality. This can accelerate
growth and development by preserving economic and political democracy.<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_ednref7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="color: blue;">[vii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
In practice Indian markets are highly discretionary and w<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background: white;">eak regulatory
environment according to an Oxfam report has set the tune for anti-competitive
business practices, and fails miserably to be inclusive in nature. Therefore to
create a fair competition, equal opportunity has to be the central tenet, which
alone can bring inclusive modern societies, and a socialist structure of the
market.</span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_ednref8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="background: white;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="color: blue;">[viii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background: white;"> Fair competition
can break India’s business oligarchy and economic enclavity, which in turn can
provide space for other players to grow. </span></span>Thus, there arises the
need to have a proper regulatory environment which can ensure a healthy
competition in the economy so that all business enterprises can grow, expand
and stimulate economic development of a country. Competition policy under
Competition Act 2002 of India is one such step which attempts to prohibit anti-competition
agreements through Competition Commission of India. Well functioning of such
policy can ensure competitive outcomes and can prevent concentration of wealth
and economic power.<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br /></div>
<div style="background: white; line-height: 14.25pt; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p> </o:p></span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><o:p><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><strong><em>Rakhee Bhattacharya</em></strong></span></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<hr align="left" size="2" style="height: 2px; width: 94.83%;" width="94.83%" />
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div style="background: white; line-height: 13.5pt; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Notes<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></b></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN"><o:p><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small;"> </span></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">‘Poor-rich gap growing in India, Asia
Pacific:UN-ESCAP, at <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN"><a href="http://www.asianage.com/business/poor-and-rich-gap-growing-india-says-report-200"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small;">http://www.asianage.com/business/poor-and-rich-gap-growing-india-says-report-200</span></a></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small;">[ii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> Aditi Gandhi and Michael Walton,
‘Where Do India’s Billionaires Get their Wealth?’, EPW, Vol XLVII, No 40, 2012<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn3" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_edn3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small;">[iii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Piyush Pandey, ‘Adani breaks into top 1- rich club as wealth jumps
152%’, TheTimes of India, September 17, 2014, New Delhi<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn4" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_edn4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small;">[iv]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> Aditi Gandhi and Michael Walton,
‘Where Do India’s Billionaires Get their Wealth?’, EPW, Vol XLVII, No 40, 2012<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn5" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_edn5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small;">[v]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> ibid<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn6" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_edn6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small;">[vi]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> J. Crabtree, ‘India’s
Billionaires Club’, Financial Times, 16 November, 2012<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn7" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div style="background: white; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_edn7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small;">[vii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> <span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background: white;">‘Competition Protection’, Report by Government of
India<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>at,
http://business.gov.in/growing_business/competition_pro.php</span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn8" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS%20Blog-%208.docx" name="_edn8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-small;">[viii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> Working for the Few: Political
Capture and Economic Inequality’,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>178
Oxfam Briefing paper, January 20, 2014<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-26435820346097130162014-09-30T14:58:00.001+05:302014-10-07T11:13:37.784+05:30In Defence of the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjUVx-lWaGD7o__7ed56Xi-rl4YON8B6CgmZzF-pDAXc3oIvjx5bxfpTZ_zZ3BaeW2JPjjx0Lvg3hq0t5kEtA2G5LmhZo-ILZF2Oe9F-DevVZsnaLaYj9B9uulBP1sTWnSGnuMOrnbgps0/s1600/20130503300810002.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjUVx-lWaGD7o__7ed56Xi-rl4YON8B6CgmZzF-pDAXc3oIvjx5bxfpTZ_zZ3BaeW2JPjjx0Lvg3hq0t5kEtA2G5LmhZo-ILZF2Oe9F-DevVZsnaLaYj9B9uulBP1sTWnSGnuMOrnbgps0/s1600/20130503300810002.jpg" height="202" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;">Photo source: FRONTLINE</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The post liberalization Indian economic
boom continues to create a voracious appetite for space to meet the demands of
industrialization, infrastructure building, urban expansion and resource
extraction. The emerging modern market completely depends on land
resources, but Asian countries like India and China are facing a scarcity of
land, specifically non-agricultural land. Indeed, land acquisition has become a
most vexing problem for policymakers in India. Names like Singur, Nandigram,
Kalinganagar, Jaitapur, and Bhatta Parsaul have entered the human lexicon as
poignant metaphors of social conflict. The Left Front, which built a remarkable
political hegemony in West Bengal largely on the basis of Operation Barga and
land reforms, has been brought to its knees after a botched attempt at wresting
a thousand acres for a car factory, illustrating how land issues have seismic
potential in our political landscape. For those whose lands were acquired and
people whose livelihoods depended on the lands acquired, a great human tragedy
has unfolded. Independent estimates place the number of people displaced
following development projects in India since independence at 60 million. Only
a third of these people were resettled in a planned manner.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In this context, the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency
in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 offers a genuine
protection and expansion of the rights and interests of the poor and vulnerable
- as seen in its decentralized, participatory and time-bound approach, its
emphasis on a just and informed and transparent process, inclusion of hitherto
ignored aspects like rehabilitation and resettlement, comprehensive
compensation package, ensuring improvement in standards of living of the all
affected. In view of the recent criticisms from the right wing, several other
political parties and the industrial lobby, there is need to protect the said
Act from any amendments that would fundamentally alter its democratic
principles and its ideal of social justice. At the heart of the matter, the question
is not that of higher GDP on the back of the neoliberal political agenda but
rather how can broad based development be achieved, keeping in mind the reality
that growth effects are diffused through a political-economy of difference –
that of class, caste, region etc. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">It has been suggested that the consent
clause of the 2013 Act has virtually halted the process of land acquisition,
that the Act violates federal provisions of the Indian constitution and the
process of acquisition outlined, including the social impact assessment (SIA)
exercise, is too cumbersome and impractical. Is there any merit in these
criticisms? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The Act requires consent of 80% of all
land losers in case of acquisition by private companies and 70% in case of
PPPs. This provision has been severely criticised for making land
acquisition virtually impossible, for dissuading private investment and
industrial development and consequently being anti-growth, anti-jobs and
therefore anti-people. What is not being voiced enough is that these provisions
have been introduced in light of the experience of the previous colonial
legislation which gave draconian powers to the state without any safeguards
against the abuse of this power or against acquisition. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Criticisms against the Act for being
against the federal spirit do not hold ground. It should be noted that though
land is a state subject, land acquisition is mentioned in the concurrent list.
The new Act is explicit on active state participation in the process of
acquisition. Furthermore, crucial decision-making powers pertaining to whether
land should be acquired, purchased or leased; the extent to which multi-cropped
irrigated land can be acquired; ensuring rehabilitation and resettlement;
determination of compensation etc vest with the states. Clearly then, all
efforts have been made to protect the federal principle. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The importance of SIA and public
hearings is unquestionable. It allows for a dialogue amongst stake-holders, to
establish who will be affected (individual or community), what will be consequences
of acquisition for them, what is it that the affected want and moreover, SIA
encourages participation, sharing of information, transparency and
accountability. This mechanism is now being critiqued as a complex and
time-consuming administrative hassle for it involves an initial socio-economic
profiling of the area, multiple hearings at different levels, allows time for
information dissemination at various stages of the acquisition process etc.
However, it should be highlighted here that the SIA exercise is time bound and
the Act states that it has to be completed within six months. Removing or
diluting this clause goes against the very grain of a just polity. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">There are various other clauses
regarding which changes have been sought. For example, one observation is that
penalty provisions against civil servants in case of any misconduct are too
severe. It should be remembered though that assigning responsibility for one’s
acts and holding them liable to them should not be considered as a negative
feature, particularly given the way things work in this country. The
comprehensive compensation package is seen as impractical, unsustainable and as
substantially increasing the cost of land acquisition and making projects
unviable. But for the first time, the interests and rights of the most
vulnerable and marginalized sections of the Indian society have been protected
and expanded. In India, land is not just a factor of production, a source of
monetary income and employment; it is much more, land is an identity, and is an
emotional and a social asset, the value of which cannot be gauged or is very
difficult to be estimated only within economic and livelihood frames. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The
Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation
and Resettlement Act, 2013 was drafted and subjected to extensive public debate
before being enacted. Now changes are being proposed to it without any
substantive basis, without public discussion and dialogue amongst the
stakeholders. The Act is pro-poor, pro-tribals and pro-farmers; and is seen as
an important mechanism to counter Naxalism. In fact, this legislation provides
an opportunity for wider reforms, for instance, digitisation of land records,
in the arena of registry etc. It has been in operation for too short a duration
to judge its performance and any unilateral top-down changes may well spark
violence – the very anti-thesis of the new Act’s objective. A briefing was
organised by RGICS on 7<sup>th</sup> August 2014 to discuss the proposed amendment to this Act. The
representatives of the farmer organisations such as Delhi Grameen Samaj,
Bharatiya Kisan Union and Ekta Parishad have expressed their concerns to the
over ten Members of Parliament. Shri. Jairam Ramesh, who was the main architect
of this Act has an extensive discussion with the representatives. The Members
of Parliament and farmer groups came to a consensus that a continuous
nation-wide awareness campaign to mobilise support against the amendments is
need of the hour to protect such well-crafted pro-poor revised Act, which came
into existence after more than a century by replacing the colonial
pro-corporate Act of 1897. </span><span style="background: yellow; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-highlight: yellow;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><i>Ishita Mehrotra</i></b></span></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-83016262374230964192014-08-21T16:10:00.000+05:302014-09-30T15:34:15.875+05:30Financial Sector in India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Financial sector plays a vital role in
any economy particularly emerging economies like India which<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgapvr4vbq9ZSd8RBwbQTTbRsBtbYItwR8_TyzDcufT_FZftsb179JL4H_ZRbEcetJr1yaF3RpU-gRun6KFwz-AWWisCOWM4fknaqS5vWzoWwYJ7ysd4Nlh7l9B2VoC58KnRvcGPiwiVQ/s1600/financial+sector+pic.png+chandra.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgapvr4vbq9ZSd8RBwbQTTbRsBtbYItwR8_TyzDcufT_FZftsb179JL4H_ZRbEcetJr1yaF3RpU-gRun6KFwz-AWWisCOWM4fknaqS5vWzoWwYJ7ysd4Nlh7l9B2VoC58KnRvcGPiwiVQ/s1600/financial+sector+pic.png+chandra.png" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo source: IMARTICUS</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
needs to harness
its full potential. Indian financial sector is in early stage of evolving on an
inclusive financial system keeping in view of the aspirations of the billion
plus people in the country. Banking sector is an indispensable organ of the
financial sector for servicing various intermediations. The efficient
intermediation of financial system among people enables to achieve higher
economic and social development. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p>S</o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ince the economic reforms process
which began in 1991, the nature of financial intermediation has undergone
several transformation with other intermediaries such as the Non-Banking
Financial Companies (NBFCs), insurance, pension funds and mutual funds emerging
as the new mechanisms for channelizing savings to investments in the country.
Besides, there are other forms of financial intermediation which emerged during
in the process of systemic reforms including equity and debt markets, financial
products like forwards, futures and other derivatives instruments which have
the capacity of reallocating capital to more efficient use in the economy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Over the years in the process, Indian
financial system has also become more integrated with the global economy as
well as global financial systems. Keeping this in view, India’s growing
integration of financial services in terms of vertical as well as horizontal
linkages both in domestic and globally need to be backed up with effective
regulatory mechanism which keeps track and addresses the vulnerabilities of
external and internal in nature. One of the major modes of financial transactions
is banking as financial intermediaries that collect deposits from savers and
lend them to investors and others. The deposits of banks form the basis of
their lending operations.</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Banks
also use the deposits for advancing credit or for making investment in
government and other securities.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The prospect’s of growth of an economy
depends on the foundation of the financial sector’s soundness and resilience.
One of the core indicators of the financial soundness is the status and
magnitude of the non-performing assets (NPAs) in the banking system. The NPA is
also an important indicator for assessment of an economy’s financial prudence
and creditability for future investments. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">According to the latest Economic Survey
2013-2014:</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Overall
NPAs of the banking sector increased to 3.90% of total credit advanced in March
2014 (provisional) from 2.36% of total credit advanced in March 2011. While
there has been an across-the-board increase in NPAs, the increase has been
particularly sharp for the infrastructure sector, with NPAs as a percentage of
credit advanced increased to 8.22% as in March 2014 (provisional) from 3.23% in
March 2011. Because of the slowdown and high levels of leverage, some industry
and infrastructure sectors, namely textiles, chemicals, iron and steel, food
processing, construction, and telecommunication are experiencing a rise in
NPAs.</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Further,
during 2012-13, the deteriorating asset quality of the banking sector emerged
as a major concern, with gross NPAs of banks registering a sharp increase. The
gross NPAs to gross advances ratio shot up to 3.6% in 2012-13 from 3.1% during
the corresponding period of the previous year. The deterioration in asset
quality was most perceptible for the State Bank of India (SBI) Group with its
NPA ratio reaching a high of 5% at end March 2013. With their gross
non-performing assets (GNPA) ratio reaching about 3.6% by end March 2013, the
nationalized banks were positioned next to the SBI group.</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Gross
NPAs (GNPAs) of public-sector banks (PSBs) have shown a rising trend,
increasing by almost four times from March 2010 (Rs.59,972 crore) to March 2014
(Rs.2,04,249 crore) (provisional). As a percentage of credit advanced, NPAs
were at 4.4% in March 2014 (provisional) compared to 2.09% in 2008-09.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">However, it is striking to note that the
former Deputy Governor of RBI, Shri <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">K.C.Chakrabarty, who</span> had pointed out
that “Economic slowdown and global meltdown are not the primary reason for
creation of stressed assets but the state of credit and recovery administration
in the system involving banks, borrowers, policy makers, regulators and legal
system have contributed significantly to the present state of affairs”. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The rising of NPAs across different
segments of banking system is not at all welcome trends and thus requires
adequate continuous assessment and monitoring system has to be put in place to
keep the financial system vibrantly free from adverse risks. Therefore, the
need of the hour is to reform the existing regulatory machinery including Corporate
Debt Restructuring (CDR) mechanism, Debt Recovery Tribunals (DRTs) & other
legal provisions, Asset Reconstruction Companies (ARCs) and Credit Information
Companies (CICs).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><strong>B.Chandrasekaran<o:p></o:p></strong></span></i></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
</div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-33986334084353879962014-08-13T12:52:00.003+05:302014-08-13T13:05:35.662+05:30Poverty Line in India: Changing Discourses and Policy Implications<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh6oRF3X8kpbaxXnw1BWLKfliL8JyDIkDUoBahT8lmS2nqhYaMiF_1e6V9K1qMftBGmgFaIJVnkDWR-59F7h3D6Um7AYnsgKtjY9txQdqFCxIizWt29vCiXZcgNdZZrATYJDmwenP8NJng/s1600/_DSC2873.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh6oRF3X8kpbaxXnw1BWLKfliL8JyDIkDUoBahT8lmS2nqhYaMiF_1e6V9K1qMftBGmgFaIJVnkDWR-59F7h3D6Um7AYnsgKtjY9txQdqFCxIizWt29vCiXZcgNdZZrATYJDmwenP8NJng/s1600/_DSC2873.JPG" height="212" width="320" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Redefining poverty line by Rangarajan
Committee report 2014 has set a fresh debate on India’s policy implications. It
highlights three out of ten Indians as below poverty line, raising the poverty
ratio to 29.5% in 2011-12 from 21.9%, based on Tendulkar estimation. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Defining
poverty line and the history of counting poor can be dated back to 19th century
of pre-Independent India. The controversy around the term and its definitional
clarity was one of the major concerns for our great visionaries and scholars
like Jawaharal Nehru and Dadabhai Naoroji. The earliest effort to estimate poverty
was Dadabhai Naoroji’s “Poverty and Un-British Rule in India” where he defined
subsistence-based poverty line at 1867-68 prices. Later in 1936, </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">National Planning Committee under the leadership of
Jawaharlal Nehru made an economic review and recognized that “there was lack of
food, of clothing, of housing and of every other essential requirement of human
existence”, and suggested development policy objective ensuring adequate
standard of living for the masses to get rid-of India’s appalling poverty.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[i]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> The Committee identified poverty with sheer necessities for
human existence like, nutrition with balanced diet of 2400 to 2800 calories per
adult worker, clothing with 30 yards per capita per annum, and housing
with 100 sq. ft per capita. Since then</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> both its concept and counting
has undergone several changes in post-independent India. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-outline-level: 4; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In 1962, independent India made its first
attempt to define poverty line. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A
Working Group with eminent Indian economists and social thinkers like D.R.
Gadgil, B.N. Ganguli, V.K.R.V. Rao and others recommended along with 1958 -
Nutrition Advisory Committee of Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) a
national minimum for a rural Indian as Rs 20 per month at 1960-61 prices and for
an urban Indian as Rs.25 per month; ensuring energy requirements for an active
and healthy life.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[ii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. This did not include expenditures on health and education,
which were to be provided by the state according to the Constitution.<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_ednref3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[iii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Almost
a decade later in 1971 noted scholars Dandekar & Rath in</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> their phenomenal work "Poverty in India"</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_ednref4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[iv]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> redefined poverty line with average calorie norm of 2,250
calories per capita per day for both rural and urban areas. This was equivalent
to </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-no-proof: yes;">Rs </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">14.20 per month for a rural Indian and </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-no-proof: yes;">RS </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">22.60 for an urban Indian at 1960-61 prices.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_ednref5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[v]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"> </span></span><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">In the same year,</span></span><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Planning
Commission began official estimation of poverty ratio at both national and
state levels, based on consumer expenditure data of National Sample Survey
Organization (NSSO) and classification of calorie consumption cost in rural and
urban India. Thus defining poverty line in terms of calorie intake became an
accepted criterion in India, and estimation continued both with quinquinniel
and annual NSSO data based on Uniform Reference Period (30 day recall period) .
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p>I</o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">n 1979, a "Task Force on Projections
of Minimum Needs and Effective Consumption Demand" of the Perspective
Planning Division under Planning Commission revised poverty line as per-capita
expenditure level at which per-capita, per day calorie intake was 2400 calories
in rural areas and 2100 calories in urban areas. The Task Force used age,
sex-activity specific calorie allowances recommended by the Nutrition Expert
Group in 1968 to estimate average daily per capita requirements for rural and
urban areas using age-sex-occupational structure of their respective population.
The monetary equivalent of these norms (poverty lines), were Rs.49.09 per
capita per month in rural areas and Rs.56.64 per capita per month in urban
areas.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_ednref6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue;">[vi]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In 1993, another expert group was
constituted, who submitted its report under the Chairmanship of Prof. D.T.
Lakdawala on ‘Estimation of Proportion and Number of Poor’, once again resettling
the poverty line. The group recommended continuation of calorie norm for
poverty line, but with state-specific revision having following two steps,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">For state-specific poverty line with
base year 1973-74 along with the standardized commodity basket corresponding to
the poverty line at national level, prices prevailing in each state in the base
year needs to be valued.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Update poverty line reflecting
current prices in a given year by applying state-specific consumer price
indices.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Government of India accepted these
recommendations with minor modifications in 1997.<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_ednref7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[vii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In 1990s, India made a structural
shift with its economic liberalization policy. Purchasing power was enhanced
significantly with gradual inclination for non-food consumption. Changing trend
in life-style was visible, which demanded a methodological shift in poverty
estimation. A debate aroused for conceptual change from basic calorie norm to capture
greater needs of individuals including health and education towards multi-dimensional
poverty approach. The old Nehruvian idea of poverty started replacing with
broader socio-economic needs with greater accessibility and higher aspirations
of people. In 1999, NSSO simultaneously introduced Mixed Reference Period (MRP)
method for measuring consumption of five low-frequency items (clothing,
footwear, durables, education and health) over previous 365 days recall period,
and rest of the items over previous 30 days. This was done to get a stable
expenditure pattern for non-food items, which gave a new direction to revise
the poverty line.</span><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> In 2005, expert group headed by Prof.
Suresh D. Tendulkar was constituted to review the methodology for official
estimation of poverty. The Committee submitted its report in 2009 with four
major departures as follows, <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">To
move away poverty line from calorie intake norm. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Uniform Poverty Line Basket based on
latest available household consumption data on rural and urban population.</span></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Price
adjustment procedure that is predominantly based in the same data set that
underlies poverty estimation and corrects the problems associated with
externally generated and population-segment-specific price indices with
out-dated price and weight base used so far in the official poverty estimation.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span class="mw-headline"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Explicit
provision of private expenditure on health and education in price indices which
has been rising over time, and test for their adequacy to ensure certain
desirable educational and health outcomes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Rejecting calorie based poverty line by
Tendulkar committee was historic, which went against the long-term established
view. The general anger was that many who deserve public support to continue
its caps on the numbers of people entitled to various government benefits would
remain excluded with Tendulkar estimates. It was also being criticized on lack
of explicit normative content in poverty line. Delinking consumption poverty
from calorie norms, Tendulkar had focused on proper treatment of price
differentials over space and time, which was also recommended by Lakdawala
committee. This led to significant upward revision of estimates of rural
poverty that were attributed to faulty price adjustments in the past and
corrected many cases where the Lakdawala method unrealistically measured a
state to have much less rural poverty than urban.<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_ednref8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[viii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">To
encounter the flaws, Rangarajan Committee was formed in 2012, and submitted its
report in 2014 with latest poverty line. It not only suggested a calorie-plus
norm that increases poverty numbers beyond Tendulkar but also endorsed the view
that poverty estimates should not be used to cap entitlement to government
benefits. The</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> new consumption basket to redefine poverty line consists of
adequate nourishment, clothing, house rent, conveyance, education and a
behaviorally determined level of other non-food expenses. The revised poverty
line has following components, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Food component of the poverty line
considers average requirements of calories, proteins and fats based on ICMR
norms differentiated by age, gender and activity for all-India rural and urban
regions. These nutrient norms are met for persons located in sixth fractile
(25-30%) in rural areas, and in fourth fractile (15-20%) in urban areas in
2011-12. The monthly per capita consumption expenditure on food in these
fractile classes is Rs.554 in rural areas and Rs.656 in urban areas. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Non-food component of poverty line
considers median fractile (45-50%) values of clothing expenses, rent,
conveyance and education expenses with Rs.141 per capita per month in rural
areas and Rs.407 in urban areas. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: Georgia;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> T</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">he observed expenses of all other
non-food expenses of the fractile classes that meet the nutrition requirements
are also considered as part of poverty line basket, which is Rs.277 per capita
per month in rural areas and Rs.344 in urban areas. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Thus Monthly Expenditure of Rs 972 (554
+141 +277 for Food, Four essential non food and other non food items) for a
rural Indian and Rs 1407 (656+407+344 for the same) for an urban Indian
constitute India’s new poverty lines. The Rangarajan Group uses Modified Mixed
Recall Period (MMRP) consumption expenditure data of the NSSO. The national
rural and urban poverty lines were used to derive the state-wise poverty lines
by using the implicit price derived from the quantity and value of consumption
observed in the NSSO’s 68th Round of Consumer Expenditure Survey (2011-12) to
estimate state relative to all-India Fisher price indices. Using these and the
state-specific distribution of persons by expenditure groups (NSS),
state-specific ratios of rural and urban poverty were estimated. State-level
poverty ratio was estimated as weighted average of the rural and urban poverty
ratios and the national poverty ratio was computed again as the
population-weighted average of state-wise poverty ratios.<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_ednref9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue;">[ix]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">With this latest definition, India has
made a long journey at policy level to define poverty line and to deliver
public services to the poor. Such evolving attempts are crucial and need to be
continued till the time India becomes free from such “worst form of violence”. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span><br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Rakhee
Bhattacharya and </span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Shruti
Issar</span></i><br />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]--><br />
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""></a><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Notes<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "MS Gothic"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><a href="http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/genrep/surya.pdf"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="color: blue;">http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/genrep/surya.pdf</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "MS Gothic"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[ii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><a href="http://www.fao.org/docrep/x0172e/x0172e02.htm"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.fao.org/docrep/x0172e/x0172e02.htm</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_edn3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "MS Gothic"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[iii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><a href="http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/publications/pub93_nopoors.pdf"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="color: blue;">http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/publications/pub93_nopoors</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_edn4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "MS Gothic"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[iv]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><a href="http://www.epw.in/special-articles/poverty-india.html"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.epw.in/special-articles/poverty-india.html</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_edn5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "MS Gothic"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[v]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><a href="http://www.fao.org/docrep/008/af349e/af349e0k.htm"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.fao.org/docrep/008/af349e/af349e0k.htm</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_edn6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "MS Gothic"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[vi]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><a href="http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/publications/pub93_nopoors.pdf"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="color: blue;">"Report of The Expert Group
on Estimation of Proportion and Number of Poor"</span></span></a><span class="citation"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> (PDF).
Perspective Planning Division,Planning Commission</span></span><span class="reference-accessdate"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_edn7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "MS Gothic"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[vii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><a href="http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/genrep/rep_hasim1701.pdf"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="color: blue;">"Report of the Expert Group
to Recommend the Detailed Methodology for Identification of Families Living
Below Poverty Line in the Urban Areas"</span></span></a><span class="citation"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> (PDF). Planning Commission</span></span><span class="reference-accessdate"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn8" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_edn8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "MS Gothic"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="color: blue;">[viii]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> “</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Rangarajan’s
Measure of Poverty”, EPW, Vol XLIX, No 31, August 2, 2014</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn9" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/RGF/Desktop/RGICS/Blog/RGICS%20Blog-7.docx" name="_edn9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue;">[ix]</span></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> Report of the
Expert Group to Review the Methodology for Measurement of Poverty. Planning
Commission, Government of India. (2014). </span><a href="http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/genrep/pov_rep0707.pdf"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="color: blue;">http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/genrep/pov_rep0707.pdf</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-36173800678828288072014-08-13T12:27:00.002+05:302014-08-13T12:33:42.931+05:30If He Rapes Like an Adult He Should be Punished Like an Adult: why the mentality around the new juvenile law needs a serious rethinking <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: small;">T</span>he Union Cabinet on August 6, 2014 cleared
the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Bill, 2014<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhxUqrpjGeGnPJKnHHfFMIeEGOpz0ttVbLq8KTuxEbUZIzTdBxGzEnG3Ql93CapesPF6B4zZiWuTjTR6UchFc1OoO8Xua1uHRRZIBHSY_6JYJCSpWpk03pSl2_xjOLW6wU7EOZpO4H39U0/s1600/jj+pic.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhxUqrpjGeGnPJKnHHfFMIeEGOpz0ttVbLq8KTuxEbUZIzTdBxGzEnG3Ql93CapesPF6B4zZiWuTjTR6UchFc1OoO8Xua1uHRRZIBHSY_6JYJCSpWpk03pSl2_xjOLW6wU7EOZpO4H39U0/s1600/jj+pic.jpg" height="238" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo Source: The Alternative</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
that gives
powers to the Juvenile Justice Board to decide if a juvenile above 16 years,
involved in heinous crimes like rape, would be tried in an adult court.<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>The Bill comes in at a time when there
has been public outrage over the fact that the minor convicted in the Nirbhaya
gang-rape case was handed a three-year term in a reform home by the Juvenile
Justice Board. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The public has been made to believe by
media and certain sections of the political leadership that the juvenile was
the most brutal and indeed responsible for Nirbhaya’s death. However, the facts
in this case have been completely overshadowed by false media reporting and
backed by a political agenda that seeks to encash on misdirected public anger.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The juvenile justice board in its
confidential order on August 31, 2013 deprecated the "media hype"
over the minor's role in the said case. The board's order made it clear that in
their testimonies, neither Nirbhaya nor her male friend singled out the juvenile
as the person who had brutally assaulted her with a rod, resulting in an injury
that led to her death within a fortnight. In fact the board asserted that the
juvenile himself had been "brutalized" by the media portrayal of him
as the most brutal assailant of Nirbhaya. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Not surprisingly, neither the media nor
political leaders are in a haste to take the correct facts to the public. The
media in fact has taken very few steps to rectify its stance. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="background: white; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">It is also imperative to make it clear that
even in cases where a juvenile commits a crime which is identical to an adult
crime, he/she cannot be treated in the same manner as an adult.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">To quote eminent neuroscientist Laurence Steinberg, “I have
argued that adolescents should be viewed as inherently less responsible than
adults, and should be punished less harshly than adults, even when the crimes
they are convicted of are identical”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Simply because a 17 year old looks and acts
like an adult, he should not be penalized in the adult criminal system.
Physical changes coupled with adult actions and mental maturity to regulate
those actions are two different things. </span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Also,
contrary to public opinion, a boy who is 17 years and 11 months old is not as
mature as an adult. As neuroscience and psychology explain the structural and
functional changes that occur during adolescence do not all take place at a
uniform pace. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There are many who argue that drawing a line at 18 years is
also treading along a slippery slope as the brain is in development stages till
the age of 25. However, if at all a line is to be drawn it is better to keep 18
as the age at which we consider an individual to be an adult. An individual in
India who is 17 years and 364 days would not be given the right to vote, and
similarly should not be tried under the adult criminal system. <br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
<!--[if !supportLineBreakNewLine]--><br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">While the public is baying for “strong action”, theirs is an
emotional reaction. That the law makers are giving into these emotions by
enacting an ill fitted new law, is a step that is regressive and ill conceived.
India moved from penal law to reformative law by repealing the 1989 juvenile
law and enacting the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection) Act 2000. By
enacting the new law, we will victimize juveniles who could not be ‘cared for
and protected by’ their families, the society and the government system. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><strong><em>Divashri Mathur<o:p></o:p></em></strong></span></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-6252502961578951062014-07-03T11:32:00.000+05:302014-07-03T11:50:16.494+05:30Why India Needs an Alternative Development Policy Frame?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Beyond GDP<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZkXj9cuAvhRcCZhpRKfaeL22OhHYrhLfq2EysQIWGC4BepRHx3XXcKLfEjOk-g-Z-J1ULFfwMNUTgBHHJZMzewKEy7ffTLWzdVJl36yyHCzOu0kiFniiYts7wOLBTFx0nB7dWEJ-6eyc/s1600/democracy-565x467.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZkXj9cuAvhRcCZhpRKfaeL22OhHYrhLfq2EysQIWGC4BepRHx3XXcKLfEjOk-g-Z-J1ULFfwMNUTgBHHJZMzewKEy7ffTLWzdVJl36yyHCzOu0kiFniiYts7wOLBTFx0nB7dWEJ-6eyc/s1600/democracy-565x467.jpg" height="264" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo Credit: OSHO NEWS</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">As
Indian economic policy experiments have passed through the phases of
Nationalisation to liberalisation to inclusion across the timeline of more than
sixty years since independence, the citizens of the country have shared the fruits
and have bore the brunt in various ways. India has made enormous economic
progress with conventional indicator like Gross Domestic Product (GDP), but has
failed to improve the quality of life <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">en
mass</i>. Such progress has created enclaves of opportunities but neglected the
masses. Inequality and its complex proliferation is the foremost challenge in
India now, which constantly provokes the idea of an alternative development
instrument. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">GDP
the most widely followed metric assesses the performance of an economy, simply by
measuring the market value of all final goods and services produced within a
country in a given period. It takes into account the growth of commercial and
economic activities but cannot capture the pertinent issues of assessing
overall well-being of a country. Attempts are therefore increasingly being made
across the world to look beyond GDP for an alternative measure to assess the well-being
of a nation through a multi-dimensional approach like creating access to
resources; reducing hunger, poverty and inequality, and imbibing distributive
justice. These can change the lives of millions by ensuring opportunities,
economic freedom and social harmony.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Alternative
Approaches<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"></span><br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Reducing inequalities and subsequent conflicts amongst people is one of the major
challenges in the world today. Way back in 1972, the small Asian nation, Bhutan
had introduced Gross National Happiness (GNH), an alternative to GDP with four
pillars of good governance, sustainable socio-economic development, cultural
preservation and environmental conservation. In 1990, another alternative to
GDP that is Human Development Index (HDI) was pioneered by two Asian thinkers Mahbu
bul Haq and Amartya Sen, which incorporates health and education along with
income. In the year 2008, when French president Nicholas Sarzoky looked for next
alternative to GDP, a revolutionary report was brought out with emphasis on
social progress.The report emphasizes on quality of life and sustainability
along with classical GDP. In the following year in 2009 another study made by a
group of scholars from World Bank on ‘Measuring Inequality of Opportunity in
Latin America and Caribbean’, emphasises Human Opportunity Index to measure inequality
in opportunities in basic services. The idea was inspired by the social welfare
function proposed by Sen in 1976 and holds that in development process, society
needs an equitable supply of basic opportunities and people need access to these
opportunities, with a target of universalism. Sen’s powerful idea of Capability
Approach in 1980s also has widened the scope of development theory with
emphasis on quality of life and removing the obstacles to achieve more freedom
to choose. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">To
evolve development policies with such ideas of progressive economy with
centrality on human wellbeing, a country needs fair political democracy, which
was realized by the visionaries of newly born India and was reflected in the
constitution of India in 1950 emphasising the three core values of justice,
freedom and equality for citizens in India. Democracy, which is synonymous with
individual sovereignty and equality, has a causal relationship with progressive
economic development. It is being empirically tested that democratic institutes
have net positive effect on progressive economic development, the later </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">is perceived as a process of transition for a better living
taking place along a continuum of ever-changing ideas and ethos in the life of
a nation or society.But i</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">n
many practicing democracy like India, economic elites mostly manage to retain disproportionate
influence, and preserve the profit-seeking anti-poor biases and distort the
idea of democracy. This denies</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> social
justice</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">,</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> tends to deprive many</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"> and excludes the voices of the
marginalized. This is primarily because the practicing development policiesis m</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ost</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">ly
a</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> conventional post war western idea </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">and premised on
rational individual, capital formation and inequality. Such economic
development which necessarily influences political discourse tends to create
chaos and denies egalitarian frame, and thus democracy tends to function
non-optimally. To attend a causal relationship between economic development and
democracy, the existing development model needs a revisit incorporating voice,
representation and rights.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Way Forward<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<br />
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">With
the recent change in political regime in 16<sup>th</sup><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">LokSabha</i> election, India is expected to see some major policy shifts
towards stronger market-oriented and liberal frame to push GDP growth rates.
This may boost the economy, making the rich richer, but also has probability of
increasing marginalization of small voiceless communities. The erstwhile govt.
has made tremendous attempt to protect many such communities through
path-breaking right based policies, as rights are the channels of resistance. To
ensure long term sustainable development, such emphasis on policies with an
institutional frame is crucial, which alone can bring social change in India. The
policy instruments of new political representation needs to continue to evolve
within such inclusive frame, which alone can ensure redistribution, enhance social
justice and enable economic autonomy and well-being of every section of the
society. Political democracy therefore needs to create space through debates and
dialogues for alternative development policy initiatives, which can make ways
for every individual<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a> to live with dignity and freedom, and
can encounter divides and disparities in the society.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></div>
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><strong>Rakhee
Bhattacharya<o:p></o:p></strong></span></i><br />
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p></o:p></span> </div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-71294583885957682602014-06-17T17:38:00.000+05:302014-08-08T15:09:36.425+05:30Inclusion Of Internal Migrants In India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEify0ur0u1sj39cDFDwr4gaVu6VqwGDv1QKZ9x12v-xa_Cw_NFOANWSeUVwaI0jZP0Pq7ZHXfJoW1LwS-KNMF2v7RV2eenEQapQh1UBHaFU1uZQ8b05H9CY6sUyLVlgvP5EcNVz7emjdzg/s1600/Internal+Migration+Image.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEify0ur0u1sj39cDFDwr4gaVu6VqwGDv1QKZ9x12v-xa_Cw_NFOANWSeUVwaI0jZP0Pq7ZHXfJoW1LwS-KNMF2v7RV2eenEQapQh1UBHaFU1uZQ8b05H9CY6sUyLVlgvP5EcNVz7emjdzg/s1600/Internal+Migration+Image.jpg" height="272" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo Source:UNESCO</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: #002060; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="color: #351c75;">Free movement is a
fundamental right of the citizens of India and internal movements are not
restricted. The Constitution states: “All citizens shall have the right (...)
to move freely throughout the territory of India; to reside and settle in any part
of the territory of India <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></i></b></div>
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<span style="color: #351c75; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="color: #351c75;">- Article
19(1) (d) and Article 19(1) (e), Part III, Fundamental Rights,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Constitution of India,
1950.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Approximately three out of every ten Indians are internal
migrants! Despite this, internal migration has been accorded very low priority
by the government, and existing policies of the Indian state have failed in
providing legal or social protection to this vulnerable group.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">National Sample Survey Office (2007–08) states that around 28.5 per cent
of the 1.2 billion people in India are internal migrants (Census 2011). According
to the UNDP Human Development Report (2009), the number of internal migrants
(740 million) is nearly four times the number of international migrants (214
million).</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">As per NSSO
(2007-08), around <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">80 per cent of total
internal migrants are women</b>. 91.3 per cent of women in rural areas and 60.8
per cent of women in urban areas cite marriage to be the most prominent reason
for migration. However, researchers believe that the macro data reports do not
capture the complete picture and miss the actual reasons for migration. About <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">30 per cent of internal migrants in India
belong to the youth category</b> (15-29 years age group). </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></o:p></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Urbanization
and Migration: </span></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"></span></u></b><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">India’s urban population has increased from about 286 million in 2001 to
377 million in 2011, and is expected to increase to 600 million by 2030. This increase
migration to urban areas is largely due to an increase in female migration
(38.2 %in 199341.8 % in 1999-2000 45.6 % in 2007-08). The main reason driving
this migration is expectations of “better employment opportunities.” <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">The report on <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Social Inclusion of
Internal Migrants in India</i>, UNESCO (</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><a href="http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002237/223702e.pdf"><span style="color: blue; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002237/223702e.pdf</span></a></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">) highlights two developments in the evolution of urban centres that
absorb the increasing migrant population.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">Firstly, influx of people from varied regions poses a socio-economic and
environmental challenge to cities. The outcomes are growth</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> of second tier cities rapid urbanisation and the greater
challenge to absorb the migrant population that eventually </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">translates into increased poverty and inequality levels. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Secondly, focus of policy making changes from “welfarism to rights based
approach” with the goal to ensure that basic services are accessible to all.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">The loose definition of migration and the largely ignored concerns that
it poses renders the design and delivery of their social inclusion undefined
and hence, ineffective. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></i></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Internal
Migration: Myths and Realities<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN; mso-no-proof: yes;">Despite its
contribution, internal migration still suffers from several ill conceived
notions. Highlighted below are some myths related to internal migrants that are
countered with important realities:</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span></div>
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Myth: Burden on destination cities vs. Reality: Forms cheap labor and
thereby contributes to GDP</span></span></div>
</li>
<li><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Myth Steal local jobs vs.Reality: Migrants typically provide essential
services which the locals might not want to engage in</span></span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Myth: Migration can be stopped vs. Reality: Migration and urbanisation are
integral part of economic and social development.</span></span></div>
</li>
<li><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Myth: Inhospitable cities are best deterrents to internal migration vs. Reality:
Harsh cities merely increase risks and costs of migration, reducing its
development potential</span></span></div>
</li>
<li><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";">Myth:</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> Women migrate only for marriage vs.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"> Reality: </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Women's labour migration and economic contribution</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt 1in; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">10 Key Areas for Inclusion of Internal Migrants<o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">1. REGISTRATION
AND IDENTITY </span></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></u></b><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Migrants lack documentary proof of identity and local
residence due to which they are excluded from access to legal rights, public
services and social protection programmes (subsidised food, housing and banking
services). In response to this, the Unique Identification (Aadhar) programme was
created to combat the issue of registration. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">2</span></u></b><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">POLITICAL AND CIVIC
INCLUSION</b></span></u></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><o:p></o:p></b></span></u></span> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">A report on <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Political Inclusion of Seasonal Migrant
Workers in India: Perceptions, Realities and Challenges</i> reveals that many
migrants are unable to exercise their franchise because they have to travel in
search of work and some return to their villages to exercise their franchise,
because of this, they exercise limited political agency. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">The Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and
Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill, 2011 – could ensure a
mechanism of accountability of public authorities. It would enable a citizen to
file a complaint related to non-functioning of public authorities, violation of
a law, policy or scheme or any grievance related to citizens charters, and
offending officers could be penalized.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia;"></span> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">3. LABOUR MARKET INCLUSION</span></span></u></b><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Migrants are mostly employed in the informal economy, devoid
of social security and fair market, often working as construction workers, agricultural
labourers,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>vendors, etc. There are few Central
Labour Laws for regulating conditions of work, but they remain undelivered.</span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">4. LEGAL AID AND DISPUTE RESOLUTION</span></span></u></b><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">As migrants are predominantly engaged in the informal
sector, migrants have no protection under labour laws. Government’s safety measures
remain unimplemented, and minimum wages are not delivered.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Poor literacy levels and no awareness act as an impediment
in claiming rights and entitlements. </span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></o:p></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">5.
INCLUSION OF WOMEN MIGRANTS</span></span></u></b><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">The current discourse on migration has failed to adequately
address gender-specific migration experiences. The design of the Census and
NSSO data surveys should be amended to better capture the actual reasons of migration.
Women migrants, especially those in lower-end informal sector occupations,
remain invisible and discriminated against in the workforce. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">6. INCLUSION
THROUGH ACCESS TO FOOD</span></span></u></b><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">In order to access subsidised grain and other supplies under
the PDS scheme, beneficiaries must present a ration card that is given to them
at their usual place of residence and is not transferrable. Such clauses imply
that migrants are unable to access the PDS system at destination.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">The
National Food Security Bill 2011 passed this year aims to guarantee food and
nutritional security in India, recognized that:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>“The migrants and their families shall be able to claim their
entitlements under this Act, at the place where they currently reside.” </span></span></b><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> 7</span></o:p></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">.
INCLUSION THROUGH HOUSING</span></span></u></b><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Migrants face difficulties in accessing housing and other
basic amenities. They often live in urban slums, facing constant threats of
displacement and eviction from government officials. Shelter solutions show
little appreciation for the needs of seasonal migrants. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></o:p></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Suggestions:</span></span></div>
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Affordable
rental housing to affordable private housing, with an eventual policy shift
towards provision of de facto residential rights and housing</span></span></div>
</li>
<li><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In-situ
upgradation of existing slum dwellings could be a first step towards ensuring basic
services for migrants living in slums</span></span></div>
</li>
<li><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Employers
and contractors also need to play a role in securing shelter for migrant w</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">o</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">rkers, and experiments with dormitory accommodation provided
by employers (as undertaken in China0</span></span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">8. EDUCATIONAL
INCLUSION</span></span></u></b><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Seasonal migrants often take their children along when they
migrate, which negatively impacts their regular schooling. This is one of the
reasons for high dropout rates in schools in many states. This further breeds inter-generational
transmission of poverty.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><o:p></o:p></u></b></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Despite the Child Labour (Prohibitions & Regulation)
Act, 1986, children work for long hours as unregistered workers</span></b><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> often in harmful industries on piece rate basis</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Suggestion:</span></span></div>
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">T</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">he multiplication of seasonal hostels to promote the retention of children in schools in source areas</span></span></div>
</li>
<li><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The establishment of worksite schools at the destination with systems to transfer enrolment, attendance at and credits to formal schools, and bridge courses and remedial education for return migrant children</span></span></div>
</li>
<li><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Establishing peripatetic educational volunteers who can move with the migrating families, initiating strategies for tracking children by issuing migratory cards, and making the school calendar flexible to accommodate migrant children, including in local government schools in both rural and urban areas,</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">9. PUBLIC
HEALTH INCLUSION</span></span></u></b><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Migrants are exposed to health risks including HIV, malaria
and tuberculosis, and occupational health hazards such as respiratory problems,
lung dseases, allergies, kidney and malnutrition. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">10.
FINANCIAL INCLUSION</span></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Migrants are unable to access banking facilities since they
do not have the necessary documentation to fulfil the Know Your Customer (KYC)
requirements of banks, including proof of identity and proof of address. Suggestions<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span></div>
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Linking
migrants to branchless banking and business correspondents along with
incorporating flexibility in bank procedures </span></span></div>
</li>
<li><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Target banking
services in geographical areas with high out-migration</span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; tab-stops: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 4;"> </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">Prepared by
Ashwin Varghese and Mahima Malik</span></b><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></o:p></span></i></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-87332136534525532582014-06-12T15:26:00.002+05:302014-06-12T15:28:03.058+05:30Railways in Northeast India: Local Resistance to Policy Initiatives<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhNTfOluen72kuC4-bJ_RCPStklszagxHIH1N2a6PIbh1yMHPA2iB_BoxK18jcreLSrPM5subnFfe3ZtfcroeooR8OkZEhWxpcnOhGmMoo_zyUynqHE4LTE2PWajksbg1DlqIBi7HQZYL0/s1600/northeast+train+pik.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhNTfOluen72kuC4-bJ_RCPStklszagxHIH1N2a6PIbh1yMHPA2iB_BoxK18jcreLSrPM5subnFfe3ZtfcroeooR8OkZEhWxpcnOhGmMoo_zyUynqHE4LTE2PWajksbg1DlqIBi7HQZYL0/s1600/northeast+train+pik.jpg" height="213" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo source: IBN Live</td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Northeast
India’s connectivity to rest of the country and to its five neighbouring
countries has remained a most challenging policy concern in post-colonial India.
The scanty connectivity network has heavily constrained the inflow of India’s
development outcomes in the region, has denied the entry of many modern institutions,
and thus kept the region at the periphery of India’s modernity. Railway for
example which was established in this far flung region by the colonial rulers
solely for their own economic interest has hardly seen any further expansion in
post-colonial period. For almost four decades after independence, the issues of
internal conflicts and security have largely dominated Northeast policy frame. The
reshaping of such policy domain catering to the needs of development started
only in 1990s with India’s Look East Policy. Thus at policy level building and improving
all kinds of connectivity became the most important agenda for establishing
intra-state, inter-state and cross-border accessibilities. This policy
initiative later found a concrete base in the year 2008, when India’s outgoing
Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh had visited the region and promised
development with extensive infrastructure base. In the same year the historic vision
document of North Eastern Region 2020 was formulated by incorporating the
voices of mammoth 40,000 people of the region to bring a policy roadmap for
region’s development. Connectivity was placed as foremost policy issue, and expansion
of railway net was promised by the government to facilitate economic boost
through the movement and mobility of people and product. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Three
key railway projects were identified by UPA II as ‘critical’ for the region.
Such projects also include the first rail connectivity in two most remote Northeastern
states, Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh</span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> with new broad gauge lines in Dudhnoi-Mendipathar and
Harmuti-Naharlagun. Both these projects were actually initiated long ago in
1990s with emergence of Look East Policy, but were heavily disrupted for
various issues like law and order problems and more importantly for strong
local resistance.</span> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Dudhnoi-Mendipathar
and Harmati-Naharlagun, each 20-km lines in the Garo Hills of Meghalaya and in
Arunachal Pradesh initiated with the costs of about Rs 180 crore and Rs 407
crores respectively, which were later revised.</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Finally
one such visionary project has been completed and with Harmati-Naharlagun rail
line being open, far eastern landlocked Arunachal Pradesh is placed in the
railway map of India. Such railway line at last makes Arunachal accessible to
rest of India and opens up multiple avenues and opportunities for the state, primarily
in terms of economic development. The people of Arunachal so far have been
struggling to survive through various dangerous means and through both legal
and illegal cross-border economic activities, as it was cut-off from rest of
India. But before all such expectations are being met, the local youths of the
state have resisted vehemently to stop this railway service. It is interesting
that at macro level, people of Northeast deeply feel that connectivity is
seential to make the region vibrant and self-reliant, and the voices of 40,000
people reflecting in the vision document endorse it firmly. But when such
vision is translated into reality, the local xenophobia resurfaces with all
forces and vehement protests by the youth population not to make such connectivity
functional. The youths are apprehensive of large scale infiltration and influx
from rest of India and illegal immigration from neighbouring nations. Thus they
demand for proper implementation of Inner Line Pass. The same is the situation
in Meghalaya. The issue of Inner Line Pass has also created internal conflicts
and violence, and destabilized Meghalaya once again in the year 2013. Such
reaction and resistance to such positive policy initiative show that the region
is still stuck to the dual issues of identity and migration. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Does
such inward looking mindset reiterate that people of Northeast are not yet ready
for embracing the idea of development? Can issue of xenophobia any longer delay
the solution for of human poverty, livelihood opportunities and economic growth
in the region? Even if the region has to tap its unexplored potentials for
indigenous growth of economy, the support of modern institutions are essential
as economy cannot grow in isolation. Unless its regional economy becomes
prosperous enough to provide opportunities to its youths, they would continue
to migrate to rest of India and the irony of the situation continues. At
regional level Northeasterns are intolerant against the outsiders and migrants,
and at national level, many of the innocent Northeasterns become victims of
violence and racism.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Connectivity
and people-to-people contacts can bridge such cultural gaps, lack of understanding
and intolerance. An open Northeast frontier through such policy ventures will
allow to create space for interaction and tolerance and will be beneficial for
all the stakeholders in the long run for peace and stability. In today’s global
inter-connected world, no place can grow in pristine isolation, rather a
cooperative and integrated development is need of the hour. Let North-East
Frontier Railway and state governments have dialogues with local youths to find
solution and make such huge investment on railway connectivity justifiable both
economically and strategically.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%;"><br /><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Rakhee
Bhattacharya<o:p></o:p></i></b></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><o:p><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></o:p></span></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-63262437692720807372014-06-09T10:36:00.000+05:302014-06-09T10:55:52.382+05:30Finance Gap Affecting Growth of Women-Owned Enterprises: IFC study<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhG1QjJn9PCXfW_EN9VKqNQ-YETlWJP2Iy2rQr5MTfwbxWJ3e-dKl3Ner_Pzp6uYUD2ruNpCEy5LSMYIdXmzb7Vu34umAV26NVH5CjPr-5cTwcAQmROM1uy7v8zxKBclR0hG2AA5fnEjtI/s1600/MSME_image.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhG1QjJn9PCXfW_EN9VKqNQ-YETlWJP2Iy2rQr5MTfwbxWJ3e-dKl3Ner_Pzp6uYUD2ruNpCEy5LSMYIdXmzb7Vu34umAV26NVH5CjPr-5cTwcAQmROM1uy7v8zxKBclR0hG2AA5fnEjtI/s1600/MSME_image.png" height="185" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN">Financial inclusion is considered
to be instrumental in empowering women as advancing credit to women, who own
businesses, improves their economic stature and independence across the globe.
In the Indian context, encouraging greater access to financial services becomes
more relevant given the various degrees of socio-economic discrimination <span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">women are subjected to in their daily lives. <span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: small;">The
following article discusses the findings of a report titled <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">‘<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Micro,
Small, and Medium Enterprise Finance:</span> Improving Access to Finance for
Women-owned Businesses in India’</i> (</span><a href="http://www.ifc.org/wps/wcm/connect/a17915804336f2c29b1dff384c61d9f7/Womenownedbusiness1.pdf?MOD=AJPERES"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: small;">Report</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: small;">)
</span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN">published on March 11, 2014 by
the International Finance Corporation. The research report focuses on the
opportunities, challenges, and way forward to improving access to finance for
women-owned businesses in India.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">In India, there are around 3.01
million women-owned businesses which account for about 10 percent of the total
micro, small and medium enterprises (MSME). They collectively contribute around
3.09 percent of the total industrial output and employ over 8 million people.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">As data reveals, 97.2 percent of
women-owned businesses fall under the micro industries category. This
concentration of industries indicates reduced growth capacities and
opportunities these companies caused due to the huge gap in the demand and
supply of financial services to the same.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">According to the report, the
financing gap for women-owned businesses amounts to Rs. 6.37 trillion in 2012.
This accounts for 73 per cent of the total requirements by MSMEs in the
country.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Currently, the various funding
sources for women-owned business include formal, semi-formal and informal
sources. Out of these available sources, women-run enterprises, much like the
general trend in the MSME sector, largely depend on informal lending sources
that constitute 92 per cent of the total share of funds provided in 2012. There
are 3 million women entrepreneurs in India, but only 3 per cent have access to
finance from formal financial institutions.</span></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Barriers
to financial inclusion of women</span></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">The major factors that impeded
financial inclusion of women entrepreneurs are as follows:</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN">Lack
of adequate collateral</span></u></b><u><span lang="EN-IN">:</span></u><span lang="EN-IN"> Due to persisting social restrictions around
inheritance and land ownership, women in India do not have ownership of
property or enough assets to use them as collateral for availing loans at low
interests from formal funding sources. Even when women do own legal rights to
properties, the male members either get them legally transferred to themselves
or exercise control over them even without legal rights or title deeds.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Therefore, poor financial literacy amongst
women and lack of agency of women in terms of title deeds restricts their
capacity to ensure collateral for credit. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN">Lack
of formal loans to women</span></u></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN">:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As the report
mentioned above points out that approximately 90 percent of women-owned
enterprises are in the informal sector and 78 percent of them belong to the
services sector. Banks traditionally identify the informal and service sectors
as high risk group as interest returns remain uncertain. This is mainly because
of the following reasons:</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt 1in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a)<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN">lack
documents and papers essential for banking services, and </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt 1in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b)<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN">increased
number of smaller loans shoots up the cost for the banks to administer and
provide equal financial services to all. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN">Absence
of women employees in bank</span></u></b><span lang="EN-IN">: Women employees, who are believed to act as
mediators enabling more women to come up to banks to avail banking services,
constitute less than 20 percent of the bank’s workforce.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Apart from the afore mentioned
factors, lack of financial awareness, absence of support from the male members
of the family and lack of confidence to approach financial institutions act as
the major barriers.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Government
Response<o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b></div>
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">The MSME ministry launched the government’s
only financing scheme for women entrepreneurs- Trade Related Entrepreneurship
Assistance and Development (TREAD)-in 2008. This is the only targeted approach
on the part of the government to provide finances focusing on the MSMEs.
However, as against the target of Rs. 38 million only Rs. 7.7 million were
disbursed as loan amount in 2012.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">The central schemes like the
Prime Minister’s Rozgar Yojana, the Swarna Jayanti Shahari Rozgar Yojana and
the Swarna Jayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana currently provide funds to MSMEs. But
the net contribution of these schemes is a mere 7 per cent of the total share
of funds supplied to women-owned MSMEs. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Lastly, by establishing more
branches of Bharatiya Mahila Banks, the government aims at catering to the
banking requirements of women and promote their economic empowerment. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Conclusion<o:p></o:p></span></span></u></b></div>
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Although microfinance plays a key
role in encouraging individual women belonging to the low income group, who
require loans to run tiny enterprises, its mono-product environment, singular
delivery model, lack of flexibility, and shorter-tenure loans with limited
amount of credit restrict their scope to low-income women or micro
entrepreneurs rather than women-owned MSMEs.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Considering the gradual rise in
the number of women entrepreneurs in India, there is an urgent need to
encourage banks to step up formal funding of women entrepreneurs.</span> </span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><em><strong>Pallavi Ghosh<o:p></o:p></strong></em></span></span></div>
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</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-58240861876863748542014-06-03T11:06:00.001+05:302014-06-03T11:07:26.434+05:30Right to Entrepreneurship and Aspirations <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjyCJ7WkQRGiYk4b5tv4Lg-7R4r10GmIc1bBQyoLG53MrIz7Bjx9XrlLEVmx8CxCafoQGd5oZu6GMTUUSrh8SVa-2m_Q78s-AIH9F5lNYuLM1fC6WT1qMcroM5x3W7tHunRKBamdhreOSA/s1600/pic+entreprenuer.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjyCJ7WkQRGiYk4b5tv4Lg-7R4r10GmIc1bBQyoLG53MrIz7Bjx9XrlLEVmx8CxCafoQGd5oZu6GMTUUSrh8SVa-2m_Q78s-AIH9F5lNYuLM1fC6WT1qMcroM5x3W7tHunRKBamdhreOSA/s1600/pic+entreprenuer.jpg" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo Source: Linked in</td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">This
is in response to Professor Shamika Ravi’s article, </span><a href="http://m.indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/no-monkey-business-3/2049408/"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">“No
monkey business”</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> (Indian Express, May 3, 2014), wherein she says that the
“general improvements in physical and financial infrastructure have contributed
significantly more to the growth of entrepreneurship in India than specific
targeted policies of the government”. The Congress Party promised in its 2014 Lok
Sabha elections manifesto a “Right to Entrepreneurship that will protect and
assist all those who seek to become entrepreneurs”. There seems to be some
serious confusion in dealing with the idea of the right to entrepreneurship. The
right to entrepreneurship essentially mean the broad term of institutional
framework rather than taking one of its sub-sets like the “physical and
financial infrastructure” which the writer seems to be taking by underestimating
a whole lot of other factors in a “Business Environment” or business
eco-system. Moreover, there is a fundamental difference which the writer seems
to miss notoriously. The difference is the policy perspectives of distinction
between fostering new entrepreneurship opportunities and supporting existing enterprises.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">At
present, the aspiring Indian entrepreneurs are facing acute challenges related
to structural issues such as finance (credit), legal and taxation,
operational/functional, infrastructure and technology diffusion. The
institutional perspective of a “right” to claim a defined service from a public
authority would essentially deal with its totality. In the case of promoting
entrepreneurship through a rights based approach, the aspiring entrepreneurs are
entitled to demand services dealing namely from starting a business to closing
a business by a law which facilitates services within a specified timeframe. In
other words, the aspiring entrepreneurs should be guaranteed with a legal right
to claim a service from a public authority within a timeframe as immunity. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">According
to the World Bank’s Easy of Doing Business Report (2014), in India, to start a
business it takes 27 days vis-à-vis 16 days in South Asia and 11 days in OECD
countries. In terms of number of procedures, India has 12 procedures as
compared to 7 in South Asia and 5 in OECD countries. In case of India, the 12
procedures have to be approved by both Union and State governments. Significant
amount of delay in processing of each of the 12 procedures would be possible
and are indeed in common practices. There are also considerable costs involved
in each of the procedures processing in the government. In India, the cost of
per capita income for starting a business is also high at 47.3% as compared to
19.8% in South Asia and 3.6% in OECD countries. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">Further,
the World Bank Report (2014) shows the exact number of procedures involved in
each stage and how many days takes to complete official process: for starting a
new business (12 procedures and takes 27 days), dealing with various construction
permits (35 procedures and takes 168 days), getting electricity connection (7
procedures and takes 67 days), registering property (5 procedures and takes 44
days), getting institutional credit (8 procedures), paying taxes (33 times in a
year), enforcing contracts (46 procedures and takes 1,420 days), resolving
insolvency (minimum 4 years to close a business), etc. All of these are seriously
hurting especially the poor aspiring entrepreneurs much more than others
because the poor entrepreneurs lack either capital or skill or both. Particularly,
getting institutional credit in right time to start a business is really a
daunting task for poor entrepreneurs. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">All
over the world, the micro, small and medium enterprises are promoted vibrantly
by the government interventions by the approach of institutional framework. Therefore,
by guaranteeing a legal right to aspiring entrepreneurs in a structured institutional
framework would inevitably enable them to demand not only clearing of all the
processes and procedures within a timeframe from both Union and State
governments but also go beyond and facilitate legal framework to reduce huge costs
involved in the starting of a business to closing a business. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">According
to <a href="http://ideasforindia.in/article.aspx?article_id=241"><span style="color: blue;">Dr.Pronab Sen</span></a>
(2014), “The Economic Censuses demonstrate the huge size and growth of
entrepreneurial activity in India... the net increase in the number of
non-agricultural establishments in the country is about 8 million every ten
years. While admittedly many of these enterprises reflect basic survival
strategies, many do not. The past decade has shown the dynamism that is
possible in this sector under the right circumstances and with the proper policies.
Many of the leading corporate houses existing today belonged to the SME
category at the turn of the century.” The specific targeted policies of the
government had its role helping of the once tiny SMEs become big corporate
houses now! The UPA’s initiatives like MSMEs Development Act, 2006 has also
played a major role.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">In
a recent research paper by <a href="http://ideasforindia.in/article.aspx?article_id=91"><span style="color: blue;">Bandiera et.al (2012)</span></a>
found that the “very poor can be transformed from labourers into basic
entrepreneurs and that this occupational transformation is associated with
dramatic improvements in their economic lives, bringing them closer to the
middle classes in their communities on measures such as wages and
spending.” Further, the study shows that the “entrepreneurship programme
in Bangladesh – the Ultra Poor programme, operated by the Bangladeshi NGO BRAC.
The Ultra Poor programme provides asset transfers and skills training to the
poorest women in rural communities. The programme aims to move these typically
asset-less and unskilled women from low-wage and seasonal jobs to the more
secure, self-employment based occupations, which are the choice of middle class
women in these communities.”<span style="color: #161616;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="color: #161616; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">The
structural reforms in the informal sector are yet to be embarked in a major way
to create an enabling environment for even the poorest of the poor in the
country. Two-thirds of Indians, nearly 82 crore people are below 35 year of
age. The time has come for the idea of right to entrepreneurship in India to
really re-look its entire apparatus of the regulatory environment from the
perspectives of the rights based approach to unleash the potentials of
entrepreneurs of all sections of the society.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; line-height: 115%;">B.Chandrasekaran</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-43726027127573820132014-05-29T14:00:00.000+05:302014-05-29T14:36:38.516+05:30 Women and Political Participation in India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRfvHyBI04DBJXQvYXqdz8lYulZHOcWlaHUIHVxOYIpNFVcnHFz8G1XymlGIp37G3HATWgCqOrolrO0EQdJJUNULgMC3l8sx5fJZxuJIP7TvkuLNvxIg0XOmt1wJ7KX69baiDg9UfqAIk/s1600/pic+junty's+article.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRfvHyBI04DBJXQvYXqdz8lYulZHOcWlaHUIHVxOYIpNFVcnHFz8G1XymlGIp37G3HATWgCqOrolrO0EQdJJUNULgMC3l8sx5fJZxuJIP7TvkuLNvxIg0XOmt1wJ7KX69baiDg9UfqAIk/s1600/pic+junty's+article.jpg" height="240" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Photo Source: International Business Times</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">The nature of society and state has a decisive impact on the extent and
effectiveness of women’s political presence and participation. Notions of
democracy, governance and the state are often not gender neutral constructs but
are a cumulative result of both historical factors and experiences. The state
and its organizational entities reflect the same social forces as other social
organizations. <sup><o:p></o:p></sup></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">In India, <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">where women constitute
half the population the number of women parliamentarians has never exceeded
fifteen per cent of all seats.</b> At the state level, their membership in the
legislatures is abysmally low, lower than their numbers in the parliament. In the
recently concluded 16<span style="font-size: small;"><sup>th</sup> Lok Sabha elections, 61 women candidates
won, which is by far the highest number of women who will have a seat in the
Indian Parliament. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, the
representation of women in Indian political institutions remains low which
signifies deep flaws in India’s political democracy.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN; mso-themecolor: accent4;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Demand for greater political representation of
women in India<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></b><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: #8064a2; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN; mso-themecolor: accent4;"><o:p><span style="text-decoration: none;"></span></o:p></span></u></b><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">The demand for greater representation of women in political institutions
in India was not taken up in a systematic way until the setting up of the
Committee on the Status of Women in India (CSWI) in 1976. Before this the focus
of the growing women's movement had been only on improving women's
socio-economic position. In 1988, the National Perspective Plan for Women
suggested that a 30 per cent quota for women be introduced at all levels of elective
bodies. <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="background: white;">Introduced
first by the Deve Gowda Government in 1996 the </span>women's reservation bill-
which proposes to reserve 33 per cent of seats in Parliament and State
Legislative Assemblies for women <span style="background: white;">has been stuck
in legislation for the last 18 years.<o:p></o:p></span></b></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">Despite the lament of leaders like Sonia
Gandhi and efforts by successive governments to push the bill, the bill could
be passed only in the Rajya Sabha on 9 March, 2010 and the Lok Sabha is yet to
muster the courage or consensus to do the same.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN; mso-themecolor: accent4;"><span style="color: black;">Forms of reservation for women in other countries<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></span><br />
<span style="color: black; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 1.5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">While <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">India has been unable to
translate the bill into legislation</b>, women reservation in various forms
have been introduced in a number of other countries. Data from International
Institute for Democratic and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), Stockholm, 2014,
shows that an increasing number of countries are introducing different types of
gender quotas for public elections. <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Currently
97 countries apply constitutional, electoral or political party gender quotas. Considering
a number of nations across Asia and Africa, one can see that in the early 1990s
countries like Philippines, Pakistan and Bangladesh legislated quotas for
female representatives, ranging from 10 to 35 per cent of seats. </b><u>(</u>Quota
Project, International IDEA, Stockholm University and Inter- Parliamentary
Union)<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><o:p></o:p></u></b></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p><span style="text-decoration: none;"></span></o:p></span></u></b><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">The most common forms of reservation are quotas, either in the number of
seats reserved for women or the setting of a minimum share for women on the
candidate lists for elections. While setting a quota in seats regulates the
number of women getting elected to the parliament, establishing a minimum share
in the candidates list can either be a legal requirement or be written into the
statutes of individual political parties.<sup><span style="font-size: small;"> <o:p></o:p></span></sup></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<b><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">An analysis of the trend of women representation in
Indian Legislature speaks volumes of their significant under-representation in
political institutions in the country.</span></b><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"> In the 15th Lok Sabha, only 10
per cent of the total elected parliamentarians (59 of the 543 seats) were women.
Of the 8070 of the total candidates who contested elections, only 6.9 per cent
candidates were women.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<b><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN; mso-themecolor: accent4;"><span style="color: black;">Participation
of women in the 16th Lok Sabha Elections:<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<ul><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span>
<li><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 35.35pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> The 16th Lok Sabha has seen the highest number of
women contesting elections since the 1957. Out of the total 8,136 candidates,
668 were women, viz. 8.21 percent of the total candidates. This is an increase
of more than one per cent from the 2009 general election figure.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></li>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></ul>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><br />
<ul><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span>
<li><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 35.35pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"> Interestingly, the success rate of women in the 16<span style="font-size: small;"><sup>th</sup>
Lok Sabha elections is in fact better than that of male candidates. In the 16th
Lok Sabha elections, 61 women candidates out of 668 (i.e. 9.13 per cent of the
total women candidates) got elected to the Lok Sabha. While for the male
candidates, the success percentage was only 6.36 per cent (Of the 7,578 men who
contested the polls, 482 emerged victorious).</span></span><span lang="EN-IN"><a href="http://news.outlookindia.com/items.aspx?artid=841494"><span style="color: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"> </span></a></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></li>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></ul>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">In terms of states performance, the interesting change was noted in West
Bengal, where the number of women winning has doubled. It now stands at 14 of
42 candidates from the state. This is followed by Uttar Pradesh, with 13 seats,
which does not show any change since 2009.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">The
global experimentation with different forms of women’s reservations provides
valuable lessons for India both inspirational and an early warning, regardless
of the passage of the bill here.India ranks 113, much below Pakistan (at rank
72) and South Africa (at rank 5) in terms of percentage of women in the Lower
as well as Upper House/the Senate.<o:p></o:p></span></b></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><u><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p><span style="text-decoration: none;"></span></o:p></span></u></b><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">Unpreparedness
of Indian political parties <o:p></o:p></span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">The vision and mission of several Indian political parties reveal an
inclination to increase women participation among their rank and file. However,
the challenge among Indian political parties is that such rules/constitutions
are seldom followed.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<ul><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span>
<li><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"> According to the Constitution of the INC, 33
percent of the seats in different Committees, 33 percent of members of the Executive
Committees, and 33 percent of the seats for the All India Congress Committee
(AICC) are to be reserved for women</span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></li>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></ul>
<ul><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span>
<li><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> Similarly, Rule 9 of the Trinamool Congress’s
constitution reserves 33 percent of seats in different committees for women.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></li>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></ul>
<br />
<ul><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span>
<li><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> Even the newly formed Aam Aadmi Party has a
ruling that 7 of the 30 members in its highest executive body be women.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></li>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></ul>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">This shows that Political parties, collectively, have not been able to
meet their decided benchmarks to ensure women participation.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<b><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">South African experience: strong positive
externalities</span></b><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">With women comprising 44.8 percent of its current National Assembly, <u>South
Africa serves as an excellent example of a successful experiment with voluntary
party quotas.</u>The African National Congress (ANC) started discussions on
quotas for women since 1991 and presently the National Assembly of South Africa
has 43.5 percent women. The ANC’s voluntary quota for women also had
significant positive externalities on the opposition parties. While the
opposition parties did not <i>commit </i>themselves to quotas, the ANC’s quotas
had a spillover effect, leading to an increase in the proportion of women in
opposition parties from 14.2 percent in 1994, to an impressive 31 percent in
2009. The South African experience demonstrates, even a single party setting
voluntary quotas can have widespread positive effects on a country’s political
environment as whole. It also underscores the importance of women’s movements
within parties. <u><o:p></o:p></u></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">A Brookings India working paper </span><span lang="EN-IN"><a href="http://brookings.in/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/Ravi-Sandhu-Brookings-India-Working-Paper.pdf"><span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="color: blue;">“Women<i>
in Party Politics</i>” <span style="font-size: small;"><sup><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></sup>(April
2014</span></span></span></a></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">) by S
Ravi and R. Sandhu suggests that a few measures, if applied with commitment,
can bring about a favourable change in the current scenario.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<ul><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span>
<li><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> Parties need to evolve internally to facilitate a
greater culture of inclusiveness and operational democracy, for example,
measures like internal party quotas.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></li>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></ul>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<ul><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span>
<li><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> The Election Commission of India too can play a
pivotal role by holding parties accountable for their stated rules and promises
in their Constitutions and manifestos.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></li>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span></ul>
<ul><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span>
<li><div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> The paper also stresses that there are strong
lessons, which can help improve the design and implementation of quotas for
women, and therefore, result in better female representation in Indian
politics.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></li>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span></ul>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">According to S Ravi and R. Sandhu, “In almost all political systems, no
matter what electoral regime, it is the political parties, not the voters that
constitute the real gatekeepers to elected offices.” Such fundamental reforms at
any party level are suggested to serve as necessary and strategic complements
to the Women’s Reservation Bill. This can ensure that the enactment of
Women’s Reservation Bill will not result in mere tokenism.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">
<strong><em>Compiled by Junty Sharma Pathak and Mahima Malik</em></strong></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<u><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: blue; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p><span style="text-decoration: none;"></span></o:p></span></u><br /></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-19298985924287398972014-05-28T12:31:00.002+05:302014-05-28T12:57:55.578+05:30Urbanisation Trend in India and its Policy Challenges<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgis19iLYW_ObuMKYQLZ0v5cWywTL74Qzv9OSWwWt0dYn1Sf70UStoAxxtK3D-Cb3U2rWD-5Uf8TDB8tngZpZLKTA9ziD603XSppwxrRhfiimu3_la9YIci91QiRXOSMqrUO9OykHwjI5s/s1600/karishma+urbanisation.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgis19iLYW_ObuMKYQLZ0v5cWywTL74Qzv9OSWwWt0dYn1Sf70UStoAxxtK3D-Cb3U2rWD-5Uf8TDB8tngZpZLKTA9ziD603XSppwxrRhfiimu3_la9YIci91QiRXOSMqrUO9OykHwjI5s/s1600/karishma+urbanisation.jpg" height="211" width="320" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Photo Source: Ace Geography</span></td></tr>
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<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Global evidence, especially from
developed nations, indicates that industrialisation and urbanisation accompany
each other (Bairoch 1988). It was expected that the 1991 liberalization
reforms, by paving way for greater industrialization, would trigger urbanisation
in India just like the 1980 reforms did in China. However, India’s urbanisation
post liberalization has been termed as below normally ‘expected’. This could
partly be attributed to the rise of high-tech and specialised industries in
metropolitan cities that were labour-light as against the expected growth of
labour intensive manufacturing sector.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN-IN">However,
post 2001 India witnessed greater private investment in areas such as
industries, information technology, services sector and infrastructure. This
has been reflected in rising share in non-agricultural industries in the GDP
since 2001. The increased investment largely flowed into urban areas and
triggered the much delayed urbanization phenomenon. This has added 90 million
people to India’s urban areas in 2011 over last decade. (Census 2011, 2001
report). A McKinsey Report (2010) on India’s urbanisation prospects <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>projects that during the period 2010-2030,
urban India will create 70 percent of all new jobs in India. The
labour-intensive manufacturing, construction, and services are further expected
to drive greater migration to India’s urban areas as per various projections
(HPEC Report). Population estimates show that another 55 million will be added
to India’s urban areas by 2021 and another 100 million by 2026</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">.</span><span lang="EN-IN"> At
this pace, India’s urban population will exceed its rural population by 2045.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">These
statistics highlight that India is at a critical juncture where its
traditionally rural characteristic, best captured by Gandhi’s observation “true
India lies in its seven lakh villages”, is set to undergo a historic
transformation. This rapid urbanisation couldn’t have come at a more crucial
time. With 69 percent of India’s 1.2 billion people expected to be between the
ages of 15 and 65 by 2035, India needs to create enough productive employment
opportunities to reap the benefits of this demographic windfall. World over,
urban areas tend to be invariably more productive due to economies of
agglomerations. In line with this trend, McKinsey’s report not only estimated
that Urban India will create 70 percent of all new jobs but also that these
jobs would be twice as productive when compared to rural employment
opportunities. With urbanization poised to play a crucial role in India’s
growth it is imperative that policy makers and urban planners embrace this
phenomenon by gearing policies towards accommodating and facilitating this transformation
with proper social protection and due rights to its people.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
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</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span><b><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;">Contemporary
Challenges</span></b><br />
<strong></strong><span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
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<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">India
so far fares poorly in most of the elements of a successful urban development
strategy including land use, affordable housing, transportation, access to basic
services like water and sanitation and social security. The following
sub-section delve into policy distortions that are hindering economic and
spatial transformation in India.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
<span lang="EN-IN"><o:p> </o:p></span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN">Urban
Housing<o:p></o:p></span></b>
</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
<span lang="EN-IN">Restrictive
land use policy and high property prices have given rise to ‘shelter poverty’ in
the form of slum and pavement dwellers. One estimate (World Bank Report)) suggests
that 25 percent of urban population in India resides in slums and the figure
escalates to a staggering 54 percent for Greater Mumbai. As cities expand,
policymakers need to develop an inclusive urban design which provides low
income housing to economically weaker sections (EWS) of society. Related to
this is the problem of rigid land use policy. Floor Space Index (FSI) limits in
India have historically been set way below international standards thus
hindering urban densification and making the process of urban expansion
expensive. In actual practise low FSI restrictions also encourage illegal
construction. Thus current land use policies fail to reflect market realities
and socio-economic demands.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;">Mobility</span></b><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span></b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;">Easy
mobility and an efficient transport system are essential for successful urbanisation.
From 1951 to 2004, road network had expanded only 8 times while vehicle numbers
have increased by 100 times. Thus limited road carrying capacity has increased
journey times in India’s mega cities by more than 30 percent compared to
smaller cities (World Bank 2013). Further, public transportation which is the
only form of mobility for the poor accounts for a mere 22 percent of the urban
transport system; a figure much below the average 40 - 50 percent observed in
other middle income countries (World Bank 2013). Public transportation in
Indian cities is also one of the most unaffordable in the world with Mumbai’s
cost being twice of London and five times that of New York. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Sanitation<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">To
make cities liveable it is essential that they be clean and have reliable water
supply. In Indian cities, it is a common sight to see slum dwellers stand in
long queues to fill buckets of water whenever there is intermittent water
supply; this involves an economic trade-off between going to work and accessing
an essential necessity like water which the poor cannot afford. Further, poor
waste water management leads to an annual expenditure of nearly $15 billion to
treat water-borne diseases (CII and CEEW 2010).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Urban
areas by their very nature of large population and high density are susceptible
to adverse effects of poor sanitary conditions. </span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="page3"></a><span style="font-family: inherit;">According to
the HPEC report nearly 50 million people in urban India are forced to defecate
in the open due to a combination of poor sewerage network, shortage of public
toilets and lack of running water in toilets. Further, there are spatial
disparities in access to services such as drainage and sewerage which tend to
worsen as one moves towards the suburbs and as the size of the city reduces.</span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN">Governance</span></b></span><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span></b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The 74th Constitutional Amendment Act of
1992 led to decentralization of powers through the constitution of urban local
bodies (ULBs) as ‘institutions of self-government’. This was aimed at
strengthening urban service delivery. However, in practice, this
decentralization has not progressed as envisaged. ULBs are plagued by partial
devolution of power, inadequate finances and limited capacity. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
<span lang="EN-IN">The
Jawaharlal Nehru Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) of 2005 which was supposed to
be a game changer for pan India urban development has failed to implement many
infrastructure projects because of abysmal capacity of personnel at local
government level in preparing and implementing projects (Planning Commission).
Also, funds released under JNNURM show insignificant correlation to poverty
levels in a city in addition to a bias towards big cities (Kundu and Samanta, 2012).
</span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><!--[endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"></span></b><br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;">Safety
and Security</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> Cities that attract economic
power and foster growth also spawn crime, violence & and an overall sense
of insecurity. Today’s cities face a wide spectrum of threats ranging from
terrorism to rising crime rates, civil unrests, shootings, natural disasters and
other emergencies. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), the
rate of incidences of crime (cognizable offenses under IPC) has seen a major
upward trend. Foremost among these is rape, the number of incidences of which
has risen by 873% since 1953. It is followed by kidnapping and abduction (749%)
and murder (250%). The impetus for urban growth will depend much upon
India’s ability to sustain its homeland security.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo5; mso-pagination: none; punctuation-wrap: simple; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="-ms-text-justify: inter-ideograph; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">To prove well prepared against
these threats there is growing demand for cities to be equipped with new and
emerging technologies that can ensure safe and secure cities. Security experts
propose that government strategies need to move beyond enhancing its defence
preparedness against crimes and acts of terror to provide integrated public
security infrastructure solutions which should include real time visual, audio
and location-based information. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b><span lang="EN-IN"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b><span lang="EN-IN">Strengthening
Policy Making Processes and Outcome</span></b><span lang="EN-IN"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Remarkably,
India has not updated its definition of “urban” in 50 years leading to a
downward bias on India’s urban statistics. Therefore even though some areas
might display urban features, the stringent definition of “urban” would exclude
these settlements from urban statistics, hindering the integration of fast
expanding peri-urban areas through good urban planning (World Bank 2011).
Further, the data pool on housing is characterised by poor timeliness, coverage
and inaccuracy; this has serious implications for making effective policies and
fund disbursement.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="-ms-text-justify: inter-ideograph; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Indian cities
and towns lack basic amenities and services because the paradigm of urban
planning in </span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="page4"></a><span style="font-family: inherit;">India has mostly focused on providing investment
and infrastructure without adequately addressing concerns of governance and
service delivery. The institution of urban governance is compromised by
multiplicity of agencies, fragmented and often overlapping authority without
adequate coordination and lack of accountability. Undoubtedly, urban governance
needs major policy reforms.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="-ms-text-justify: inter-ideograph; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">As urban population is likely to
increase by at least 250 million by 2030, it is expected that the number of
urban poor will rise too (Planning Commission). Modern planning has failed to
include the concerns of the poor who provide much needed unskilled and
semi-skilled services to support skill based activity and capital. The process
of urban planning must be inclusive and cater to housing and transport needs of
the poor and not just be a technical and dehumanized exercise in urban design.
Such an exercise must reflect the voice of all the affected stakeholders in an
urban setting.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Twenty first century India is
increasingly marked by inequality, political unrest and environmental
degradation. Considering contemporary challenges the objective of Indian urban
policy must be redefined to help cities steer towards economically, socially,
politically and environmentally sustainable and not just be limited to mere
provision of public services and infrastructure. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The
process of framing urban policy in India so far has adapted a top down approach
despite laws contrary to that. It does not have a mechanism to involve the
voice of stakeholders in its formulation. In addition to this democratic-deficit,
India’s approach towards urban policy is characterised by a failure to make use
of sound statistical and scientific evidence. These factors combined with less
than robust implementation mechanisms and weak accountability structures have
resulted in nearly a complete breakdown in the functioning of Indian cities.
Reforming and strengthening the foundation of urban policy making process will
foster formulation of comprehensive urban policies capable of nurturing
inclusive progress.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">In its ‘Approach to the 12th five year
plan’ the Planning Commission of India said, “it took nearly forty years (1978
to 2008) for India’s urban population to rise by 230 million. It could take
only half the time to add the next 250 million. If not well managed, this
inevitable increase in India’s urban population will lead to an implosion of
urban infrastructural systems”. Undoubtedly, this is a challenge that cannot be
ignored at policy level.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; punctuation-wrap: simple; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: inherit;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
<span lang="EN-IN"><em><strong>Karishma
Mutreja<o:p></o:p></strong></em></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; tab-stops: 135.4pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: inherit; mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-57078977312726051602014-05-22T16:40:00.000+05:302014-06-03T14:35:13.430+05:30Nation Builders' thoughts on Skilling Poor People<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh5ayQUMbgz6-Q6JEAXQfni7uiLjlAS5sD_IrYWoZmEumByEsL2yjvLAZKvmb5ttvpBZBaDVQKUMn_mz7JaORDmKpkbsOKByhxUg7vz_kZfPwKzC_j9jD-pErf54W3aS0MYRea6hN70FfE/s1600/undp.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh5ayQUMbgz6-Q6JEAXQfni7uiLjlAS5sD_IrYWoZmEumByEsL2yjvLAZKvmb5ttvpBZBaDVQKUMn_mz7JaORDmKpkbsOKByhxUg7vz_kZfPwKzC_j9jD-pErf54W3aS0MYRea6hN70FfE/s1600/undp.png" height="228" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo Source : UNDP</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Advancing civilization
through the democratic form of governance system brings formidable social changes
by the people, of the people and for the people to become more civilized in
terms of achieving peace, progress and prosperity in the society. One of the
key elements which play vital role to bring social changes in poor people’s life-
quite drastically- is the skills acquired to do things which earn anything and
everything that they want. In other words, skilling has become an important
aspect of human capital building in the last decade. India has huge potential
for becoming a world of human capital through skill building.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Towards the goal of
achieving social changes mainly by skilling poor people has been a major thrust
of many of our nation builders in India especially from Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi to Rajiv Gandhi, and others. Indeed, all of them had very strong
perspective thoughts on skilling poor people that play greater differences in
their life in society. An attempt has been made in this article to bring the
thoughts of the two great sons of India whose visions are eternal in some ways
at least in skilling people. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The conventional wisdom
was that if anyone is able to understand, speak and write about something
simple form in a language becomes literate in society. But the twenty-first
century wisdom of literate or skilled human resource has become quite different
as the world of science and technology has changed steadily. What is quite
interesting is that the nation builders who had views on skilling poor people
which are of the twenty-first century perspective. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The father of the
nation, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi had expressed number of times through his
perspective writings about the importance of skilling poor people for highly
productive works in employment. Gandhi said that “Literacy is not the end of
education nor even the beginning. It is only one of the means whereby man and
woman can be educated. Literacy in itself is no education. I would therefore
begin the child’s education by teaching it a useful handicraft and enabling it
to pro- duce from the moment it begins its training (1948).”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">With regard to the
skilling of villagers, Gandhi said, “Without the basic training the villagers
are being starved for education (Harijan, 28-4-1946)”. He further said that we
need to “develop such a high degree of skill that articles prepared by them
should command a ready market outside. When our villages are fully developed
there will be no dearth in them of men with a high degree of skill and artistic
talent. There will be village poets, village artists, village architects,
linguists and research workers (Harijan, 10-11-1946)”. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In fact, Gandhi’s
thoughts on skilling people were universal and much beyond the improving of
villages. He said that “A mason can build a village house, but it requires an
engineer to plan and build a big building or a big dam. Much more talent,
knowledge, application and research are required to improve the village
implements than to build a bridge on the Ganga. When we are able to attract
people of this type by our renunciation and methodical research, we will be
able to make rapid far-reaching progress, not till then (Khadi Jagat, 25-7-1941)”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Similarly, Rajiv Gandhi
was one of early Indian politicians to talk about the fruits of India’s demographic
dividend from the perspective of the twenty-first century. Indeed, he foresaw
the imperatives of skilling poor and young people and institutionalizing the
training system. Speaking in 1988, he said, "we are one of the world's
oldest civilizations and one of the youngest nations. Our country's demographic
profile has undergone a major revolution. Now, there is a preponderance of
youth. This is a decisive factor in determining our nation's destiny." <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He also quite vividly envisaged that “Training
and education do not end when you leave college. It is a continuing process.
You keep learning as you keep working.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Currently India is
striving for building up of mass manufacturing hubs in the country with the
focus of establishing large infrastructure development to support economic
activities of production and services. It is very much pertinent to remember
what Rajiv Gandhi said two decades ago about skilling people for the revolution
of information and communication technology. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">He had said that “To
get electronics really moving in India, we have to go down to the other end of
the chain. We are mostly talking about manufacturing and selling. We have to go
to the other end and produce enough people who will be able to deal with the
equipment that you are about to produce, which means a turn-around in our
education system. We need many more institutes such as the ITIs, but oriented
and run in a much more professional manner, oriented towards more modern fields
of technology. We need to really develop a mentality in our people of using
modem methods.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In fact, during the
last ten years (2004-2014) the UPA government’s initiatives on skill
development were actually to implement the Rajiv’s visions of modernizing the
Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs) into a Centre’s of Excellences. There was
1,896 government ITIs in the country when the UPA took over in 2004-05. Two
schemes (upgradation of 100 government ITIs through Domestic Funding and
upgradation of 400 government ITIs with World Bank Funding) were implemented to
upgrade the existing government ITIs into Centre’s of Excellences. Remaining 1,396
government ITIs were undertaken part of the scheme called Upgradation of 1,396
government ITIs into Public Private Partnership Mode for converting them into
CoEs. All of them were achieved by 2014 with greater improvements in the
skilling systems in the country.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">References<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Collected
Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Volume 80: Dec 28, 1940 - Aug 17, 1941<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Rajiv
Gandhi’s Speech on “Electronics for Progress”, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<a href="http://www.inc.in/resources/speeches/336-Electronics-for-Progress"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.inc.in/resources/speeches/336-Electronics-for-Progress</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Foundation
Day Lecture by the President of India, Smt. Pratibha Devisingh Patil at the
Rajiv Gandhi National Institute of Youth Development, Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu,
01-September-2007 </span><a href="http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="color: blue;">http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Rajiv
Gandhi’s Speech on Revamping the Educational System<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<a href="http://www.inc.in/resources/speeches/345-Revamping-the-Educational-System"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.inc.in/resources/speeches/345-Revamping-the-Educational-System</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">B.Chandrasekaran<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-21945795426928157882014-05-12T11:52:00.000+05:302014-05-12T11:56:49.237+05:30Conditional Cash Transfer for Empowerment of Girl Child in Haryana<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgB9Vm5DkIRPUSZ9QkDqsJdxwtJSsYbcnpUYmk0-lpTegNRO0ZM7eK9AZKLYnV-qvPrvP82nrlPenrPhlRU4ixCkjFyi8Sa-q9kE22veQfoW23lu5Yh2kv7RPM1quRiiMZ6CtxkCHqtmB0/s1600/Pic+for+Jeets+blog+article.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgB9Vm5DkIRPUSZ9QkDqsJdxwtJSsYbcnpUYmk0-lpTegNRO0ZM7eK9AZKLYnV-qvPrvP82nrlPenrPhlRU4ixCkjFyi8Sa-q9kE22veQfoW23lu5Yh2kv7RPM1quRiiMZ6CtxkCHqtmB0/s1600/Pic+for+Jeets+blog+article.JPG" height="213" width="320" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><span style="font-family: inherit;">Haryana has been witnessing a steady
decline in the sex ratio over the past three decades. Matters worsened with
Haryana showing the lowest child sex ratio (0-6 years) in India (Census 2011). However,
the 2011 Census data shows that in spite of worst sex ratio, Haryana has
improved its child sex ratio in the last decade by 15 points from 819 girls per
1000 boys in 2001 to 834 girls per 1000 boys in 2011. In the last two decades, Haryana
has initiated and implemented several policies to increase the value of girl
child among communities and to change community’s attitude towards girl child. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One of the strategies in this line adopted by
the Haryana state has been to provide financial incentive to girl child to
ensure birth and development of girl child. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<o:p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></o:p></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">Haryana was the first to initiate a
conditional cash transfer scheme for the girl child. This scheme was called <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Apani
Beti Apna Dhan (ABAD) in 1994,</i></b> which operated between 1994-1998, aimed
to enhance the value of girls. Under this scheme poor households and
disadvantaged caste groups, were offered a saving bond of Rs.2500 in the name
of the daughter which was redeemable at a maturity value of Rs.25,000 when the
girl turned 18, provided the girl was not married. Impact evaluations study of
the scheme by Sinha and Yoong (2010) using NFHS data of three rounds found that
the scheme had positive implications on girls’ birth and survival. However, the
scheme had inconclusive effects on mothers’ preferences for a girl child. The
first batch of ABAD beneficiary will turn 18 in 2014 and will be able to cash
in their bond. Another evaluation of the scheme by Nanda et. al (2014) in its
preliminary finding reveals that the scheme helped beneficiary girl to stay in
school for longer time. According to the study “A larger proportion of girls
who were part of the program (beneficiaries) remained in school than those who
were not (non-beneficiaries)”. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<o:p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></o:p></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
Both the studies mentioned above have
shown positive impacts of the schemes on development of beneficiary girls. But what
is not clear from both the studies is whether it has improved social mindset
towards girl child and whether it has contributed to an increase in the number
of births of girl child. In addition to the ABAD scheme the Haryana government introduced
a similar new scheme called <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ladli in 2005</i></b> aiming to combat the
menace of gender biased sex selection. The conditions of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ladli</i> scheme are such that it encourages
families to have two daughters and assures a bond of Rs.25,000 which at the
time of maturity (after attaining 18 years of the age of second girl child in
family) becomes approximately Rs. 96,000. Since its inception 183,069 families
have been included in the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ladli</i>
Scheme and so far the state government has invested Rs. 254.82 crores under the
scheme (GoH, 2013).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Impact of the scheme
against its expectations is a matter of study but the recent Census data gives hope
of improvement. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<o:p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></o:p></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
Other than these two specific schemes to
reverse declining sex ratio, Haryana government has been implementing various incentive
based schemes for the development of girl child. Monthly stipend is given to
school going girls of socially and economically disadvantaged sections under
various schemes. Normally stipend amount is higher for girls as compared to
boys in such schemes. Education is one the important indicator of empowerment
and it remained core condition of every kind of conditional cash transfer
schemes for girl child in Haryana.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<o:p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></o:p></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
School Education Data indicates that
though there is marginal increase in girls’ enrolment in secondary schools in
Haryana but the dropout rate of girls has decreased substantially. For Class I-X,
the girl’s dropout rate decreased from 39.15 in 2007-08 to 16 in 2010-11. The
retention of scheduled caste girls in school has improved much faster in this
period. The dropout rate of scheduled caste girl students of Class I-X has
decreased from 63.93 in 2007-08 to 16.4 in 2010-11 (MoHRD, GoI). The educational
indicators are evident that survived girl children’s conditions are improving
faster in Haryana. With improved health service delivery in the state, the
survival rate of girl children has also increased in last one decade. According
to Sample Registration System, female Infant Mortality Rate of Haryana has
decreased from 70 in 2001 to 44 in 2012. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<o:p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></o:p></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
Thus, the recent history of public
policy interventions in Haryana to empower women and girl child resulted in
improved social conditions. The social indicators for girls such as education,
health, immunization, survival and fertility have improved in last one decade
and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>various studies in Haryana have
attributed this change to both, conditional cash transfer schemes and other
policy interventions. The larger goal of the conditional cash transfer scheme
such as ABAD and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ladli</i> is to
influence social and cultural values of individual and community and hence end
gender discrimination. There are no evidences and studies to claim that such
policies are influencing human values and helping girls to have higher status
in the society. Declining sex ratio is the outcome of complex social,
religious, cultural and structural arrangements in our society. Any policy
intervention to address this issue needs to be carefully designed and
implemented. Thus, possibly greater involvement of people is required in policy
planning and implementation to alter prevalent gender biased practices. It is
high time to review such conditional cash transfer schemes to understand their impact
in changing gender biased mindset of society.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<o:p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></o:p></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"><em><strong>Jeet
Singh<o:p></o:p></strong></em></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
</div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-56877478818528659922014-05-12T11:17:00.002+05:302014-05-12T11:28:16.452+05:30India’s Development Outcomes through Right-Based Policy Initiatives : Case of MGNREGA <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5pxPrKd04n5jItLdw6xNCkTjzUVEa5F-ewQ5HsJG9M8l86iL7taCWyGMZgnWeSyHVK65nWhk5jVoOIyTaDgxA2KGh9YOCtLP0rXOgwB2Vx1E7Aqjz9iJyMukP31kiB3UC6TEMTKnwzCI/s1600/mnreg+pic.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5pxPrKd04n5jItLdw6xNCkTjzUVEa5F-ewQ5HsJG9M8l86iL7taCWyGMZgnWeSyHVK65nWhk5jVoOIyTaDgxA2KGh9YOCtLP0rXOgwB2Vx1E7Aqjz9iJyMukP31kiB3UC6TEMTKnwzCI/s1600/mnreg+pic.jpg" height="144" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo Source: Ministry of Rural Development, GOI</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">There has been a
paradigm shift in the development outcomes of Indian states in post 2005-06
period with many of the backward states performing better than earlier. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">Thus Bihar, Odisha, Assam,
Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand and to some extent Uttar
Pradesh, have demonstrated improvement in socio-economic performance.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 115%;">
</span><span style="line-height: 115%;">This
was largely possible due to various right-based and redistributive policy
initiatives of UPA government to reduce the gaps between the rich and poor,
rural and urban, backward and advance regions, and to achieve a better
development outcome with an inclusive agenda. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Bharat Niram Yogona</i>, </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">Indira Awas Yojna,</span></i><span style="line-height: 115%;">
</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">Prime Minister’s Gram Sadak Yojna,</span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">
Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, National Rural Health Mission </span></i><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">are some such remarkable policies that India
has undertaken in the period of last 10 years to attain development outcomes in
infrastructure, poverty alleviation, education and health in a more balanced
manner.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Mahatma Gandhi National
Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) is another such historic anti-poverty policy
step that India has laid down in the year 2005, which came in force in 2006. It
addresses the issue of India’s massive rural unemployment challenge by creating
a right-based framework and guaranteeing 100 days of wage-employment to a rural
household, whose adult members volunteer for unskilled manual work. It makes
government accountable for providing employment to those who ask for it and
guarantees right to employment. In the larger context, it aims at enhancing
livelihood security, social protection and capital asset creation to develop
long term sustainable model for local and rural economy of India.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">MGNREGA began its
journey with 200 most distressed districts of India, and within this short span
of 7 years time till 2013, it has covered all the 644 districts with a massive
expansion across 6576 blocks and 778134 villages. The average wage per day per
person is Rs 132.6. The All India minimum average daily wage rates in different
occupation in both agricultural and non-agricultural sectors also have gone
high substantially. But MGNREGA has ensured to give equal wage to both men and women,
which so far was unimaginable in rural India. Such increase in wage rates has helped
to boost the consumption pattern in rural India. Thus according to NSSO
estimates the rural MPCE has gone high from Rs 579.17 in 2004-05 to Rs 953.05
in 2009-10 and then to Rs 1287.17 in 2011-12. The food expenditure share has gone
down to 53%, with 10%, 8%, 6% and 8% in cereal, milk & milk products,
vegetables and beverages & processed food. While in non-food category, the
share is almost equal for major items like clothing (8%), medical (7%) and
education (7%). This is an encouraging scenario reflecting better living
standard in rural India. The rural poverty ratio in India has also gone down to
25.70% (2166.58 lakhs persons) in 2011-12 from 33.8% (2782.1 lakhs) in 2009-10
and 42% (3258.1 lakhs) in 2004-05. MGNREGA is the first ever act globally which
guarantees employment at an unprecedented scale, touching to 732 lakhs rural
population by the year 2013-14. It targets the most vulnerable and marginalized
sections where women share almost 50% (351 lakhs), SCs share 23% (167 lakhs)
and STs share 18% (129 lakhs) of total employment. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">With such scale and
coverage, MGNREGA certainly has penetrated the challenge of unemployment in
rural India. But while critiquing many are of the opinion that MGNREGA has
failed utterly in asset creation and has not optimally achieved the objective
to strengthen natural resource management through works that address cases of
chronic poverty like drought, deforestation, soil erosion, and to have a long
term sustainable development frame. The total sanctioned work under MGNREGA in
2012-13 was 70.50 lakhs, of which only 10.21 lakhs (15%) projects are completed;
where works like water conservation constitutes 60%, irrigation 12%, rural
connection 17%, land development 8% and rural sanitation 0.22%. It is also
being argued that as the scheme targets the unskilled workers, who henceforth do
not develop any skill for their future workforce participation. Therefore to
make it more useful, the workforce can be exposed to certain skill development
programme, which later can be used at least for self-employment opportunities. In
terms of financial leakages, it is being argued and verified by CAG reports
that there is large scale of misappropriation of MGNREGA funds across some
states in India. The states therefore need to be highly vigilant and pro-active
as the expenditure of the scheme is incremental. For example in 2012-13, the
total fund allocation has gone high to Rs 39735.4 crores from Rs 37072.7 crores
in 2011-12 (7% rise by an year) with wage expenditure alone sharing around 75%.
There are also serious problems of state-level delivery in wage and employment
days, and there exists huge inter-state variation in the performance outcome of
MGNREGA. Thus household employment in the year 2012-13 was highest in Tamil
Nadu with 64.8 lakhs and lowest in Punjab with 1.7 lakhs. The women share in
employment in the same year was 94% in Kerala and 19% in Uttar Pradesh with
national average of 53%. Thus both social and financial audits need to be more
rigorous and regular along with the role of states at implementation level. Finally
to attain optimum development outcome from MGNREGA as one of the most
successful right-based employment policies in the world, it may need certain
revision at structural level by incorporating more voices of rural India.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Rakhee Bhattacharya<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><o:p> </o:p>Data
Sources<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">Annual Reports, Ministry of Rural
Development, GOI<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">NSSO reports, Ministry of Statistics and
Programme Implementation, GOI<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">Annual Reports, Ministry of labour, GOI<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt 0.5in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">Press Notes, Planning Commission, GOI<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></div>
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4692835885904927503.post-84429561641816994822014-04-17T15:21:00.004+05:302014-04-17T15:41:53.596+05:30Skill Development Initiatives in some of the Congress ruled States in India <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b> </div>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi_UCF6OqN4vEjkJ6eDlMyICXxK_7JvUWclctTGh3-ZMOnC4t9WDznKGVjVNHl6OPRx2PUQJ16Uk6JOffF7yoZgn9AoKEaGCzb4ANhUqMeOjAUD5Xd-lntpgbyepT4TogKmo4OQJF64OvU/s1600/BALA+pik+april.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi_UCF6OqN4vEjkJ6eDlMyICXxK_7JvUWclctTGh3-ZMOnC4t9WDznKGVjVNHl6OPRx2PUQJ16Uk6JOffF7yoZgn9AoKEaGCzb4ANhUqMeOjAUD5Xd-lntpgbyepT4TogKmo4OQJF64OvU/s1600/BALA+pik+april.jpg" height="240" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo Source: Rajiv Yuva Kiranalu , GoAP</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">What drives the people to become transformative in
life and productive in work is actually how far the competition, choices and
efficiency systems functions in the country’s education and training sector.
That matters a lot. During the last decade skilling and re-skilling people have
been a major agenda for both Union and State governments. Many new initiatives
were taken up to increase the skill building capacity realizing the fact that
the window of demographic dividend otherwise would go unutilized. And perhaps, many
felt that failing to use properly the demographic dividend would end up social
and economic disasters. However, it is interesting to note that the Union
government has opened up the policy reforms in the area of skilling and
re-skilling and some of the State governments have really invented its wheel to
reform the skilling and re-skilling through various innovative delivery
mechanisms. Among others, involvement of both private sector and the technology
has played a major role in the process of skilling and re-skilling of large
number of persons in different communities. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">One of the main agenda of all the State Governments
have been improving the conditions of imparting skill development to those who
dropout early from school education, existing workers in unorganized sector, the
marginalized sections, etc. Besides, Union government’s schemes on skill
development and training, some State Governments are implementing their own
skill development schemes which are far more effective in some ways. Indeed,
few State Governments have initiated institutional reforms in skilling people
with structured institutional mechanisms. There is uniqueness in each of these
State government’s skill development initiatives.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="background: white; color: black;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="background: white; color: black;">In what follows are the brief analysis of the key
new initiatives of skill development by some of the States wherein the Congress
Party is or was in power till recently. Basically, the aim is to look at the
key policy initiatives and the performances of the schemes implemented by the
State governments. Four States have been identified for present analysis:
Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Kerala and Manipur.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: black;">Andhra Pradesh </span></b><span style="background: white; color: black;">(Congress
Party was in power till recently)<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">-</b> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">New Initiatives:</i> established Skill
Development Fund (SDF), created a Rajiv Education & Employment Mission (REEM)
to act as umbrella platform for all the skill development efforts of major departments.
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Best performance:</i> <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Rajiv Yuva Kiranalu (RYK)</b> started in
2010-2011 to convert the non-literate, school dropout, unskilled and unemployed
youth into productive workforce by building their skills and place them in
appropriate jobs. Several focused sub-missions were also set up to target the
persons for skilling and job placement. The major changes the scheme brought-out
include institutional mechanism approach; IT based implementation system; bio-metric
attendance system and post-placement support services. As on April 16, 2014, over
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">4.95 lakh persons</b> have been trained
and placed with jobs in private sector. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: black;">Maharashtra-</span></b><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: black;">New Initiatives:</span></i><span style="background: white; color: black;"> established
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Maharashtra Knowledge Corporation (MKC)</b>
in 2001 to create new paradigm in education and development through
universalization and integration of Information Technology in teaching,
learning and educational management processes in particular and socio-economic
transformative processes in general. Recently the State has also set up the </span><span style="color: black;">Maharashtra
State Skill Development Society <span style="background: white;">(MSDS) which
will act as nodal agency for policy planning, execution and monitoring of skill
development initiatives.<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Best
performance:</i> Through MKC, network of</span> over <b>5000 Learning
Centers</b> <span style="background: white;">with more than</span> <b>40,000
computers</b> <span style="background: white;">with state-of-the-art
hardware, software and internet connectivity created;</span></span><span style="background: white; color: #616161;"> </span><span style="background: white; color: black;">over</span><span style="background: white; color: #616161;"> </span><b><span style="color: black;">8.5
million youth</span></b><span style="color: black;"> <span style="background: white;"> were given state-of-the-art
IT Literacy Training; direct student facilitation services to</span> <b>3.6
million </b><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">+ University students
through <b>5,977 colleges</b></span> <span style="background: white;">in 13
universities in 2 States were provided; more than</span> <b>8.4 million
youth</b> <span style="background: white;">have been given Online Admissions
and Online Recruitment Services across the State</span> ; over</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background: white; color: #616161;"> </span></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: black;">25,000 youth</span></b><span style="background: white; color: black;"> got
direct regular employment or self-employment opportunities at their own native
places; and about one lakh youths received indirect job opportunities at
their own native places.</span><span style="color: #616161; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"></span><br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: black;">Kerala-</span></b><span style="background: white; color: black;"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">New Initiatives:</i> established <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Kerala
Skills Excellence Academy (KSEA)</b> in 2012 as an apex organization for the
skill development initiatives in the State. KSEA facilitates focused training
for high-tech automation driven industries (pneumatics, hydraulics or factory
automation etc.) through specialized Training Centres which will be set up
under existing government Industrial Training Institutes. Construction sector
has created maximum employments in the country in recent years. KSEA has also set
up a <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Construction Academy</b> with
industry association to conduct training courses, provide accreditations and
certification for construction personnel across the entire spectrum ranging
from architects and civil engineers to masons, plumbers, etc. Kerala is perhaps
the second in the country after Andhra Pradesh to establish sector specific
focus to train construction sector workers in large numbers as they are mostly
in informal in job nature and unskilled or semi-skilled at present.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: black;">Manipur</span></b><span style="background: white; color: black;">-<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">New Initiatives</i>: established Manipur Skill Development Society
(MSDS) in 2011 t</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">o impart skill training for youths of
Manipur and convert them from unemployed to be employed with a job that earns
at least Rs.8,000 to Rs.10,000 per month</span><span style="background: white; color: black;">. MSDS
facilitates job oriented skill training offered by reputed institutes/knowledge
partners outside the Manipur (Guwahati, Kolkata, Noida, Delhi, Hyderabad,
etc.). Thousands of persons have been trained and placed with a job in sectors
like Aviation& Travel & Tourism, Ayurveda & Spa Therapy, Beauty
Therapy, Hair & Body make up, ITES/BPO, Retail Management, Front Office
Operation, Food & Beverage, Banking & Financial Insurance, etc.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; color: black;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">All of the above initiatives are quite
transformative in nature for varied people in their States. These new
initiatives have played a vital role for millions of people to equip with relevant
skills and enhance the chances of employability in the job market. We need
similar or more pragmatic approach towards skilling or re-skilling of varied
sections so as to improve their living standards.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">B.Chandrasekaran<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></div>
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Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studieshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06265940815564275156noreply@blogger.com0