Showing posts with label Poverty. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Poverty. Show all posts

Wednesday, 13 August 2014

Poverty Line in India: Changing Discourses and Policy Implications

Redefining poverty line by Rangarajan Committee report 2014 has set a fresh debate on India’s policy implications. It highlights three out of ten Indians as below poverty line, raising the poverty ratio to 29.5% in 2011-12 from 21.9%, based on Tendulkar estimation.  

Defining poverty line and the history of counting poor can be dated back to 19th century of pre-Independent India. The controversy around the term and its definitional clarity was one of the major concerns for our great visionaries and scholars like Jawaharal Nehru and Dadabhai Naoroji. The earliest effort to estimate poverty was Dadabhai Naoroji’s “Poverty and Un-British Rule in India” where he defined subsistence-based poverty line at 1867-68 prices. Later in 1936, National Planning Committee under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru made an economic review and recognized that “there was lack of food, of clothing, of housing and of every other essential requirement of human existence”, and suggested development policy objective ensuring adequate standard of living for the masses to get rid-of India’s appalling poverty.[i] The Committee identified poverty with sheer necessities for human existence like, nutrition with balanced diet of 2400 to 2800 calories per adult worker, clothing with 30 yards per capita per annum, and housing with 100 sq. ft per capita. Since then both its concept and counting has undergone several changes in post-independent India.

In 1962, independent India made its first attempt to define poverty line.  A Working Group with eminent Indian economists and social thinkers like D.R. Gadgil, B.N. Ganguli, V.K.R.V. Rao and others recommended along with 1958 - Nutrition Advisory Committee of Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) a national minimum for a rural Indian as Rs 20 per month at 1960-61 prices and for an urban Indian as Rs.25 per month; ensuring energy requirements for an active and healthy life.[ii]. This did not include expenditures on health and education, which were to be provided by the state according to the Constitution.[iii]

 Almost a decade later in 1971 noted scholars Dandekar & Rath in their phenomenal work "Poverty in India"[iv] redefined poverty line with average calorie norm of 2,250 calories per capita per day for both rural and urban areas. This was equivalent to Rs 14.20 per month for a rural Indian and RS 22.60 for an urban Indian at 1960-61 prices.[v] In the same year, Planning Commission began official estimation of poverty ratio at both national and state levels, based on consumer expenditure data of National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) and classification of calorie consumption cost in rural and urban India. Thus defining poverty line in terms of calorie intake became an accepted criterion in India, and estimation continued both with quinquinniel and annual NSSO data based on Uniform Reference Period (30 day recall period) .

In 1979, a "Task Force on Projections of Minimum Needs and Effective Consumption Demand" of the Perspective Planning Division under Planning Commission revised poverty line as per-capita expenditure level at which per-capita, per day calorie intake was 2400 calories in rural areas and 2100 calories in urban areas. The Task Force used age, sex-activity specific calorie allowances recommended by the Nutrition Expert Group in 1968 to estimate average daily per capita requirements for rural and urban areas using age-sex-occupational structure of their respective population. The monetary equivalent of these norms (poverty lines), were Rs.49.09 per capita per month in rural areas and Rs.56.64 per capita per month in urban areas.[vi]

In 1993, another expert group was constituted, who submitted its report under the Chairmanship of Prof. D.T. Lakdawala on ‘Estimation of Proportion and Number of Poor’, once again resettling the poverty line. The group recommended continuation of calorie norm for poverty line, but with state-specific revision having following two steps,

1.   For state-specific poverty line with base year 1973-74 along with the standardized commodity basket corresponding to the poverty line at national level, prices prevailing in each state in the base year needs to be valued.

2.   Update poverty line reflecting current prices in a given year by applying state-specific consumer price indices.

 The Government of India accepted these recommendations with minor modifications in 1997.[vii]

In 1990s, India made a structural shift with its economic liberalization policy. Purchasing power was enhanced significantly with gradual inclination for non-food consumption. Changing trend in life-style was visible, which demanded a methodological shift in poverty estimation. A debate aroused for conceptual change from basic calorie norm to capture greater needs of individuals including health and education towards multi-dimensional poverty approach. The old Nehruvian idea of poverty started replacing with broader socio-economic needs with greater accessibility and higher aspirations of people. In 1999, NSSO simultaneously introduced Mixed Reference Period (MRP) method for measuring consumption of five low-frequency items (clothing, footwear, durables, education and health) over previous 365 days recall period, and rest of the items over previous 30 days. This was done to get a stable expenditure pattern for non-food items, which gave a new direction to revise the poverty line. In 2005, expert group headed by Prof. Suresh D. Tendulkar was constituted to review the methodology for official estimation of poverty. The Committee submitted its report in 2009 with four major departures as follows,

1.   To move away poverty line from calorie intake norm.

2.   Uniform Poverty Line Basket based on latest available household consumption data on rural and urban population.

3.   Price adjustment procedure that is predominantly based in the same data set that underlies poverty estimation and corrects the problems associated with externally generated and population-segment-specific price indices with out-dated price and weight base used so far in the official poverty estimation.

4.   Explicit provision of private expenditure on health and education in price indices which has been rising over time, and test for their adequacy to ensure certain desirable educational and health outcomes. 

Rejecting calorie based poverty line by Tendulkar committee was historic, which went against the long-term established view. The general anger was that many who deserve public support to continue its caps on the numbers of people entitled to various government benefits would remain excluded with Tendulkar estimates. It was also being criticized on lack of explicit normative content in poverty line. Delinking consumption poverty from calorie norms, Tendulkar had focused on proper treatment of price differentials over space and time, which was also recommended by Lakdawala committee. This led to significant upward revision of estimates of rural poverty that were attributed to faulty price adjustments in the past and corrected many cases where the Lakdawala method unrealistically measured a state to have much less rural poverty than urban.[viii]

To encounter the flaws, Rangarajan Committee was formed in 2012, and submitted its report in 2014 with latest poverty line. It not only suggested a calorie-plus norm that increases poverty numbers beyond Tendulkar but also endorsed the view that poverty estimates should not be used to cap entitlement to government benefits. The new consumption basket to redefine poverty line consists of adequate nourishment, clothing, house rent, conveyance, education and a behaviorally determined level of other non-food expenses. The revised poverty line has following components,

1.   Food component of the poverty line considers average requirements of calories, proteins and fats based on ICMR norms differentiated by age, gender and activity for all-India rural and urban regions. These nutrient norms are met for persons located in sixth fractile (25-30%) in rural areas, and in fourth fractile (15-20%) in urban areas in 2011-12. The monthly per capita consumption expenditure on food in these fractile classes is Rs.554 in rural areas and Rs.656 in urban areas.

2.   Non-food component of poverty line considers median fractile (45-50%) values of clothing expenses, rent, conveyance and education expenses with Rs.141 per capita per month in rural areas and Rs.407 in urban areas.

3.   The observed expenses of all other non-food expenses of the fractile classes that meet the nutrition requirements are also considered as part of poverty line basket, which is Rs.277 per capita per month in rural areas and Rs.344 in urban areas.

Thus Monthly Expenditure of Rs 972 (554 +141 +277 for Food, Four essential non food and other non food items) for a rural Indian and Rs 1407 (656+407+344 for the same) for an urban Indian constitute India’s new poverty lines. The Rangarajan Group uses Modified Mixed Recall Period (MMRP) consumption expenditure data of the NSSO. The national rural and urban poverty lines were used to derive the state-wise poverty lines by using the implicit price derived from the quantity and value of consumption observed in the NSSO’s 68th Round of Consumer Expenditure Survey (2011-12) to estimate state relative to all-India Fisher price indices. Using these and the state-specific distribution of persons by expenditure groups (NSS), state-specific ratios of rural and urban poverty were estimated. State-level poverty ratio was estimated as weighted average of the rural and urban poverty ratios and the national poverty ratio was computed again as the population-weighted average of state-wise poverty ratios.[ix] 

With this latest definition, India has made a long journey at policy level to define poverty line and to deliver public services to the poor. Such evolving attempts are crucial and need to be continued till the time India becomes free from such “worst form of violence”.


Rakhee Bhattacharya and Shruti Issar


[vi] "Report of The Expert Group on Estimation of Proportion and Number of Poor" (PDF). Perspective Planning Division,Planning Commission.
 
[viii]Rangarajan’s Measure of Poverty”, EPW, Vol XLIX, No 31, August 2, 2014
[ix] Report of the Expert Group to Review the Methodology for Measurement of Poverty. Planning Commission, Government of India. (2014). http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/genrep/pov_rep0707.pdf
 
 
 


Thursday, 3 July 2014

Why India Needs an Alternative Development Policy Frame?


Beyond GDP

Photo Credit: OSHO NEWS
As Indian economic policy experiments have passed through the phases of Nationalisation to liberalisation to inclusion across the timeline of more than sixty years since independence, the citizens of the country have shared the fruits and have bore the brunt in various ways. India has made enormous economic progress with conventional indicator like Gross Domestic Product (GDP), but has failed to improve the quality of life en mass. Such progress has created enclaves of opportunities but neglected the masses. Inequality and its complex proliferation is the foremost challenge in India now, which constantly provokes the idea of an alternative development instrument.

 GDP the most widely followed metric assesses the performance of an economy, simply by measuring the market value of all final goods and services produced within a country in a given period. It takes into account the growth of commercial and economic activities but cannot capture the pertinent issues of assessing overall well-being of a country. Attempts are therefore increasingly being made across the world to look beyond GDP for an alternative measure to assess the well-being of a nation through a multi-dimensional approach like creating access to resources; reducing hunger, poverty and inequality, and imbibing distributive justice. These can change the lives of millions by ensuring opportunities, economic freedom and social harmony.

 Alternative Approaches

Reducing inequalities and subsequent conflicts amongst people is one of the major challenges in the world today. Way back in 1972, the small Asian nation, Bhutan had introduced Gross National Happiness (GNH), an alternative to GDP with four pillars of good governance, sustainable socio-economic development, cultural preservation and environmental conservation. In 1990, another alternative to GDP that is Human Development Index (HDI) was pioneered by two Asian thinkers Mahbu bul Haq and Amartya Sen, which incorporates health and education along with income. In the year 2008, when French president Nicholas Sarzoky looked for next alternative to GDP, a revolutionary report was brought out with emphasis on social progress.The report emphasizes on quality of life and sustainability along with classical GDP. In the following year in 2009 another study made by a group of scholars from World Bank on ‘Measuring Inequality of Opportunity in Latin America and Caribbean’, emphasises Human Opportunity Index to measure inequality in opportunities in basic services. The idea was inspired by the social welfare function proposed by Sen in 1976 and holds that in development process, society needs an equitable supply of basic opportunities and people need access to these opportunities, with a target of universalism. Sen’s powerful idea of Capability Approach in 1980s also has widened the scope of development theory with emphasis on quality of life and removing the obstacles to achieve more freedom to choose.

 
To evolve development policies with such ideas of progressive economy with centrality on human wellbeing, a country needs fair political democracy, which was realized by the visionaries of newly born India and was reflected in the constitution of India in 1950 emphasising the three core values of justice, freedom and equality for citizens in India. Democracy, which is synonymous with individual sovereignty and equality, has a causal relationship with progressive economic development. It is being empirically tested that democratic institutes have net positive effect on progressive economic development, the later is perceived as a process of transition for a better living taking place along a continuum of ever-changing ideas and ethos in the life of a nation or society.But in many practicing democracy like India, economic elites mostly manage to retain disproportionate influence, and preserve the profit-seeking anti-poor biases and distort the idea of democracy. This denies social justice, tends to deprive many and excludes the voices of the marginalized. This is primarily because the practicing development policiesis mostly a conventional post war western idea and premised on rational individual, capital formation and inequality. Such economic development which necessarily influences political discourse tends to create chaos and denies egalitarian frame, and thus democracy tends to function non-optimally. To attend a causal relationship between economic development and democracy, the existing development model needs a revisit incorporating voice, representation and rights.

Way Forward

With the recent change in political regime in 16thLokSabha election, India is expected to see some major policy shifts towards stronger market-oriented and liberal frame to push GDP growth rates. This may boost the economy, making the rich richer, but also has probability of increasing marginalization of small voiceless communities. The erstwhile govt. has made tremendous attempt to protect many such communities through path-breaking right based policies, as rights are the channels of resistance. To ensure long term sustainable development, such emphasis on policies with an institutional frame is crucial, which alone can bring social change in India. The policy instruments of new political representation needs to continue to evolve within such inclusive frame, which alone can ensure redistribution, enhance social justice and enable economic autonomy and well-being of every section of the society. Political democracy therefore needs to create space through debates and dialogues for alternative development policy initiatives, which can make ways for every individual to live with dignity and freedom, and can encounter divides and disparities in the society.

 
Rakhee Bhattacharya

 

 

Tuesday, 17 June 2014

Inclusion Of Internal Migrants In India

Photo Source:UNESCO
Free movement is a fundamental right of the citizens of India and internal movements are not restricted. The Constitution states: “All citizens shall have the right (...) to move freely throughout the territory of India; to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India
- Article 19(1) (d) and Article 19(1) (e), Part III, Fundamental Rights, The Constitution of India, 1950.
Approximately three out of every ten Indians are internal migrants! Despite this, internal migration has been accorded very low priority by the government, and existing policies of the Indian state have failed in providing legal or social protection to this vulnerable group.
National Sample Survey Office (2007–08) states that around 28.5 per cent of the 1.2 billion people in India are internal migrants (Census 2011). According to the UNDP Human Development Report (2009), the number of internal migrants (740 million) is nearly four times the number of international migrants (214 million).
 
As per NSSO (2007-08), around 80 per cent of total internal migrants are women. 91.3 per cent of women in rural areas and 60.8 per cent of women in urban areas cite marriage to be the most prominent reason for migration. However, researchers believe that the macro data reports do not capture the complete picture and miss the actual reasons for migration. About 30 per cent of internal migrants in India belong to the youth category (15-29 years age group).    
                
 Urbanization and Migration:
India’s urban population has increased from about 286 million in 2001 to 377 million in 2011, and is expected to increase to 600 million by 2030. This increase migration to urban areas is largely due to an increase in female migration (38.2 %in 199341.8 % in 1999-2000 45.6 % in 2007-08). The main reason driving this migration is expectations of “better employment opportunities.”
The report on Social Inclusion of Internal Migrants in India, UNESCO (http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002237/223702e.pdf) highlights two developments in the evolution of urban centres that absorb the increasing migrant population.

Firstly, influx of people from varied regions poses a socio-economic and environmental challenge to cities. The outcomes are growth of second tier cities rapid urbanisation and the greater challenge to absorb the migrant population that eventually translates into increased poverty and inequality levels.

Secondly, focus of policy making changes from “welfarism to rights based approach” with the goal to ensure that basic services are accessible to all.
The loose definition of migration and the largely ignored concerns that it poses renders the design and delivery of their social inclusion undefined and hence, ineffective.
                                              Internal Migration: Myths and Realities
Despite its contribution, internal migration still suffers from several ill conceived notions. Highlighted below are some myths related to internal migrants that are countered with important realities:
  • Myth: Burden on destination cities vs. Reality: Forms cheap labor and thereby contributes to GDP
  • Myth Steal local jobs vs.Reality: Migrants typically provide essential services which the locals might not want to engage in
  • Myth: Migration can be stopped vs. Reality: Migration and urbanisation are integral part of economic and social development.
  • Myth: Inhospitable cities are best deterrents to internal migration vs. Reality: Harsh cities merely increase risks and costs of migration, reducing its development potential
  • Myth: Women migrate only for marriage vs. Reality: Women's labour migration and economic contribution
10 Key Areas for Inclusion of Internal Migrants
1. REGISTRATION AND IDENTITY
Migrants lack documentary proof of identity and local residence due to which they are excluded from access to legal rights, public services and social protection programmes (subsidised food, housing and banking services). In response to this, the Unique Identification (Aadhar) programme was created to combat the issue of registration.
2. POLITICAL AND CIVIC INCLUSION
 
A report on  Political Inclusion of Seasonal Migrant Workers in India: Perceptions, Realities and Challenges reveals that many migrants are unable to exercise their franchise because they have to travel in search of work and some return to their villages to exercise their franchise, because of this, they exercise limited political agency.
The Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill, 2011 – could ensure a mechanism of accountability of public authorities. It would enable a citizen to file a complaint related to non-functioning of public authorities, violation of a law, policy or scheme or any grievance related to citizens charters, and offending officers could be penalized.
 
3. LABOUR MARKET INCLUSION
 
Migrants are mostly employed in the informal economy, devoid of social security and fair market, often working as construction workers, agricultural labourers,  vendors, etc. There are few Central Labour Laws for regulating conditions of work, but they remain undelivered.
 
4. LEGAL AID AND DISPUTE RESOLUTION
 
As migrants are predominantly engaged in the informal sector, migrants have no protection under labour laws. Government’s safety measures remain unimplemented, and minimum wages are not delivered. 
Poor literacy levels and no awareness act as an impediment in claiming rights and entitlements.
 
 5. INCLUSION OF WOMEN MIGRANTS
 
The current discourse on migration has failed to adequately address gender-specific migration experiences. The design of the Census and NSSO data surveys should be amended to better capture the actual reasons of migration. Women migrants, especially those in lower-end informal sector occupations, remain invisible and discriminated against in the workforce.
 
6. INCLUSION THROUGH ACCESS TO FOOD
 
In order to access subsidised grain and other supplies under the PDS scheme, beneficiaries must present a ration card that is given to them at their usual place of residence and is not transferrable. Such clauses imply that migrants are unable to access the PDS system at destination.
The National Food Security Bill 2011 passed this year aims to guarantee food and nutritional security in India, recognized that:  “The migrants and their families shall be able to claim their entitlements under this Act, at the place where they currently reside.”
 
 7. INCLUSION THROUGH HOUSING
 
Migrants face difficulties in accessing housing and other basic amenities. They often live in urban slums, facing constant threats of displacement and eviction from government officials. Shelter solutions show little appreciation for the needs of seasonal migrants.
 Suggestions:
  • Affordable rental housing to affordable private housing, with an eventual policy shift towards provision of de facto residential rights and housing
  • In-situ upgradation of existing slum dwellings could be a first step towards ensuring basic services for migrants living in slums
  • Employers and contractors also need to play a role in securing shelter for migrant workers, and experiments with dormitory accommodation provided by employers (as undertaken in China0
8. EDUCATIONAL INCLUSION
 
Seasonal migrants often take their children along when they migrate, which negatively impacts their regular schooling. This is one of the reasons for high dropout rates in schools in many states. This further breeds inter-generational transmission of poverty.
Despite the Child Labour (Prohibitions & Regulation) Act, 1986, children work for long hours as unregistered workers often in harmful industries on piece rate basis

 Suggestion:
  • The multiplication of seasonal hostels to promote the retention of children in schools in source areas
  • The establishment of worksite schools at the destination with systems to transfer enrolment, attendance at and credits to formal schools, and bridge courses and remedial education for return migrant children
  • Establishing peripatetic educational volunteers who can move with the migrating families, initiating strategies for tracking children by issuing migratory cards, and making the school calendar flexible to accommodate migrant children, including in local government schools in both rural and urban areas,
9. PUBLIC HEALTH INCLUSION
 
Migrants are exposed to health risks including HIV, malaria and tuberculosis, and occupational health hazards such as respiratory problems, lung dseases, allergies, kidney and malnutrition.

 10. FINANCIAL INCLUSION
 
Migrants are unable to access banking facilities since they do not have the necessary documentation to fulfil the Know Your Customer (KYC) requirements of banks, including proof of identity and proof of address. Suggestions
  • Linking migrants to branchless banking and business correspondents along with incorporating flexibility in bank procedures
  • Target banking services in geographical areas with high out-migration
                                                Prepared by Ashwin Varghese and Mahima Malik