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Photo Source: Livemint |
This
is a perspective on the
interface between rural labour markets and village based dalit women in eastern
Uttar Pradesh (UP). These insights, drawn from fieldwork conducted in three
villages of eastern Uttar Pradesh in the late 2000s, can serve as a basis for
designing suitable policy interventions.
A
stark feature of the rural labour market is the gender and caste segmentation.
Barring isolated exceptions, dalits are concentrated at the bottom of the rural
labour hierarchy-in agriculture, brick kilns, construction and distress driven
petty self-employment and migrant work. Dalit men reflect high occupational
diversification away from agriculture. Accordingly, their income sources and
employment relations have been significantly delinked from the village.
However, dalit women continue to be held captive in the village economy and society
for a variety of reasons-responsibilities of own cultivation, domestic and care
economy; a patriarchal value system; increasing role in everyday household
reproduction in the face of male outmigration; delivering unfree labour to the
local elites on whom they are dependent for employment, credit etc. Moreover,
the village economy is largely agrarian in which the least paid and most
demeaning types of work are done by women. Therefore, dalit women left behind
in the villages are directly and to a greater extent than their male relatives
embedded in village based social, economic and political relations of
domination and subjugation which are underscored by intersecting caste, class
and gender identities.
However,
piece-meal transformations are unfolding in villages. In the case of UP, the
regional context of BSP has been an enabling factor as it has at least posed a
challenge to the traditional purity-pollution discourse, in removing the terror
of police from the minds of dalits and ensuring them hearing at the police
station, extending scholarships to students etc. Unfortunately however, BSP’s
politics of dignity has not managed to structurally combat dalit women’s
acceptance of their inferior status, their lack of confidence, their
marginalisation from economic and political freedoms enjoyed by dalit men etc.
Nonetheless, dalit women are gradually collectivising and protesting against
their social and economic exploitation. This is evident in their struggles for
better wage relations, in securing PDS ration, in filing complaints against
corruption etc. But these struggles do not pose a systemic challenge but seek
concessions within the existing order.
What
type of policy insights does such a scenario provide?
One
clear lesson is that agriculture continues to be the daily mainstay of dalit
women. As such, there is an urgent need to reorient growth strategy such that
it does not bypass agriculture and develops synergetic linkages with other
sectors to enable greater labour absorption in productive employment
opportunities. Policy response can no longer casually treat the gender
dimension of differentiation and exploitation and the structural inequalities
which are ruthlessly exploited in pursuit of accumulation. Moreover, the idea
of hitherto rural/agrarian labour needs to be reconceptualised considering it
is simultaneously involved in varied employment relations across geographically
dispersed production sites.
Government
interventions such as NREGA and widow/old pension scheme have had positive
spin-offs, acting as a crucial buffer against absolute poverty and destitution,
but these have also been used as tools by the local elite to build vote banks,
labour lobbies or to secure unfree labour. In this region, NREGA has failed to
counter the gendered division of labour. Even the petty pension amount is not
disbursed regularly without grease money which leaves a very vulnerable section
at the mercy of their families for food, health expenses and shreds their
dignity. Petty corruption has emerged as a major source of income and
accumulation by the local elite. On this front, the Lokpal Bill is definitely a
good beginning but again much depends on the implementation and social efforts
to enable the use of this legislation.
The
present policy emphasis on promotion of self-employment opportunities and
skilling does not seem to have had desired outcomes. The few women who had
acquired tailoring skills (seemingly the only skill women learnt), operated out
of their houses and had a smaller customer base. Since social relations
overshadowed economic transactions in such a setting, these women received less
than the market rate and often received delayed payment. In addition to the conceptual
and practical social barriers women faced in setting up as micro-entrepreneurs,
the demand for products coming from dalit households was also comparatively
low. Skill training should involve education about doing business and
developing backward and forward linkages. For a variety of reasons, skills are
not as strongly related to employability in the case of dalit women. In general
though, it is the case that despite significant government interventions in the
area of skills and entrepreneurial development, wage employment and not
self-employment is perceived as more important for household survival. This is
also because of overhead costs associated with self-employment, irregular and
fluctuating income flow etc.
Any
policy design on poverty has to contend with the fact that the poor are not a
homogenous group. They are embedded in multiple affiliations, are subject to
different compulsions and likely to be a polarised and contentious group. State
initiatives for poverty reduction are cornered by the relatively better-off or
those poor who are ‘tied’ or ‘loyal’ to the local elite. Rather than poverty
alleviation and asset creation, a vicious cycle of dependency underlies
attempts by the poor to access scarce resources and benefits. Moreover, poverty
is dynamic-economic and social shocks, occurring in quick succession, can force
even relatively better-off households into a worse-off position. The fieldwork
clearly points to a multi-dimensional understanding of poverty.
A
final point for consideration-if there are obvious limits to dalit politics
i.e. the subversion of authentic and effective politics of representation for
narrow sectarian gains, then are there alternate legitimate political and
social institutions or movements to ensure the inclusion and empowerment of
dalit women and other marginalised Indians who have been unjustly and
deliberately rendered mute.
Ishita Mehrotra